Nicaragua
Mercedes Peralta
SEMlac
Si, como decía un viejo lema político, la solidaridad es la ternura de los pueblos, las feministas nicaragüenses bajo acoso del gobierno han recibido una avalancha de ternura por parte de sus homólogas de diversos continentes.
Esta acción, calificada de "beligerante, oportuna y audaz" por Sofía Montenegro, periodista feminista y líder del Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres, ha resonado desde la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en Washington D.C., hasta la carretera conducente al aeropuerto en El Salvador.
Las notas de denuncia de las acusaciones contra las feministas nicas han aparecido en los principales medios del mundo, incluyendo Al Jazeera para el Medio Oriente.
En ocasión de la visita del presidente nicaragüense a San Salvador, para asistir a la XVIII Cumbre Iberoamericana, un grupo que firmó como "Feministas contra la impunidad" desplegó, en las cercanías de Comala -camino del aeropuerto-, una enorme valla en la que se leía: "Condenamos represión del gobierno de Nicaragua contra defensoras de los derechos de las mujeres".
Mientras tanto, en México, un nutrido grupo, representando 20 organizaciones femeninas, clausuraba simbólicamente la embajada nicaragüense. Las feministas portaron un retrato del héroe nacional Augusto Sandino con la leyenda "Ortega: no en mi nombre". Asimismo, desplegaron una manta que decía "Gobierno de Nicaragua: sin memoria, sin congruencia, sin Sandino…" "Ortega: Violador de derechos de las mujeres".
Muchas de las feministas que se han pronunciado han integrado las redes de solidaridad con Nicaragua en la década de los ochenta. Algunas, como en el caso de las líderes del grupo Visitación Padilla de Honduras, apoyaron a los sandinistas en su etapa de lucha contra la dictadura somocista.
En Honduras, seis de las más importantes organizaciones feministas, entre las que están el Centro de Derechos de Mujeres, el Centro de Estudios de la Mujer, el Colectivo Feminista Mujeres Universitarias y el Enlace de Mujeres Negras suscribieron un pronunciamiento demandando que "cese el hostigamiento a las líderes, periodistas y organizaciones sociales, y que se respete el derecho de asociación y la libertad de expresión", para que avance la democracia de Nicaragua.
Desde Londres, la Red de Mujeres para Centro América (CAWN-Central America Women's Network), declaró el inicio de un proceso de incidencia por la restitución de "la libertad y respeto del trabajo de las organizaciones de mujeres en la región".
También firmó esa declaración Katherine Ronderos, oficial de Programa en Derechos de la Mujer. Entre otras muestras de solidaridad con las feministas nicaragüenses, se incluye una carta de seis premios Nobel por la Paz, entre ellos la guatemalteca Rigoberta Menchú.
Una declaración de Ortega como "gobierno infame" ha sido suscrita por 200 organizaciones, mientras que la Asamblea de Mujeres Vascas reclama al mandatario nicaragüense por "la saña con la que ha desatado una auténtica inquisición contra las feministas nicaragüenses".
Entre las agrupaciones femeninas bajo ataque por parte del gobierno del presidente Ortega, están el Grupo Venancia de Matagalpa, la Red de Mujeres Municipalistas de Nicaragua (RMM) y el Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres (MAM).
El 10 de octubre de este año, el Ministerio Publico decretó "auto de allanamiento y orden de secuestro de bienes" contra 17 organizaciones civiles, iniciando la acometida con la entrada forzada y secuestro de bienes personales en las instalaciones del MAM.
Desde el sur de América, la Red de Salud de las Mujeres Latinoamericanas y del Caribe RSMLAC, conformada por unas 300 personas y agrupaciones, exigen al gobierno de Ortega "que cese de inmediato sus ataques y falsas acusaciones… y acate en su totalidad el espíritu preclaro de la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre las y los Defensores de los Derechos Humanos.
Esta declaración reconoce que los ideales consagrados en la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos sólo pueden hacerse realidad si todas las personas participan en su aplicación y si quienes trabajan para promoverlos pueden hacerlo sin injerencias, obstáculos, intimidaciones o amenazas.
Orgullo y Gratitud
Sofía Montenegro, quien ha sido acusada por la primera dama Rosario Murillo de ser "satánica, abortista y agente de la Central de Inteligencia Americana, se declaró "profundamente conmovida" por la defensa de las feministas de Nicaragua.
"En lo personal, me embarga un sentimiento de enorme gratitud, orgullo y alegría por esta demostración de solidaridad y compromiso de todas y cada una de las compañeras que, en cada país, han salido en nuestra defensa", expresó.
"No porque estoy en el ojo del huracán, sino porque viene a demostrar que el movimiento está lleno de vigor y es una fuerza viva en el continente. Creo que además le ha dado una gran visibilidad en cada uno de nuestros países, pero también en el escenario internacional", agregó.
Después de esta intensa jornada, no creo que haya fuerza o partido de derecha o de izquierda que pueda seguir ignorando al feminismo latinoamericano como un movimiento político con futuro, sentenció
Sobre lo que depara el futuro para el MAM y las otras organizaciones feministas de Nicaragua, Montenegro dijo: "saldremos fortalecidos de esta ordalía. Hemos demostrado capacidad de resistencia, de defensa y una valentía a toda prueba que nos otorga a los ojos de nuestra sociedad un gran reconocimiento y legitimidad, franca admiración por ser una de las fuerzas emergentes más coherentes dentro del panorama político nacional".
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11/13/08
FBI hate crime report shows Indians remain most often assaulted
Written by S.E. Ruckman
http://nativetimes.com
TULSA, Okla. – Crimes of hate against American Indians totaled 75 incidents in the nation during 2007, said a Federal Bureau of Investigation report.
While the overall number of crimes against Indians mirrored 2006’s 75 incidents, the overall number of hate crimes dipped, according to the report. The federal law enforcement agency culled data from over 13,000 agencies across the nation.
Race remained a strong motivation of hate crimes outranking religious and sexual discrimation.
Whites were reported as the largest group of offenders, 3,800, across all racial groups. Over 9,000 total incidents occurred last year that included mainly intimidation in 22 of the 76 incidents involving Indians, the agency said.
In the 75 Indians-as-victim race incidents, only 7 of them were committed by other Indians, the report shows.
Oklahoma Indian activist Brenda Golden said the reason Indians figure so highly among race groups for incidents on hate crimes is that natives are historically viewed as scapegoats in the American conscience.
“People are gonna prey on the weak,” she said.”And we are weak because of 500 years of oppression.”
Golden said that resentment from general society characterizes Indians as receiving ill-deserved social benefits like food, health care and casino dividends. With these misperceptions, others view Indians as prime targets that arise from frustration and other factors.
“People think we get all these benefits when don’t,” she said. “And they also associate us with the past...that we killed white people indiscriminately when we were fighting for our land.”
Other Oklahoma activists said the data proves that Indians are most assaulted statistically. Louis Gray, president of the Tulsa Indian Coalition Against Racism, said that the general public would be alarmed if the statistics calculated for Indians matched their group percentage-wise.
“We know that one in three Indian women are likely to be physically assaulted in their lifetimes,” he said. “They’d be building walls if that applied to other women.”
The TICAR president said while education births awareness, it does not deal with the legacy of racism that is often a part of Indian and Black histories. People are often prejudice against Indians whom society would not categorize as such on the surface, Gray said.
“It’s ingrained in patterns of thinking...it’s cyclical,” he said. “When we becomes elements of objectification, then we are more vulnerable than other groups.”
The report ranked states in numbers of total reported hate crimes. In Oklahoma, there were 293 total agencies reporting 30 hate crimes of the overall 75 total. Other states with dense Indian populations, like Washington state and Arizona reported 195 and 161 total race crimes, respectively. The report did not break down state reports on victims or offenders by race, FBI officials said.
California had the largest total number of hate crimes with New Jersey and Michigan ranking second and third, respectively, data shows. Those figures do not depict the number of crimes against Indians, according to the report.
http://nativetimes.com
TULSA, Okla. – Crimes of hate against American Indians totaled 75 incidents in the nation during 2007, said a Federal Bureau of Investigation report.
While the overall number of crimes against Indians mirrored 2006’s 75 incidents, the overall number of hate crimes dipped, according to the report. The federal law enforcement agency culled data from over 13,000 agencies across the nation.
Race remained a strong motivation of hate crimes outranking religious and sexual discrimation.
Whites were reported as the largest group of offenders, 3,800, across all racial groups. Over 9,000 total incidents occurred last year that included mainly intimidation in 22 of the 76 incidents involving Indians, the agency said.
In the 75 Indians-as-victim race incidents, only 7 of them were committed by other Indians, the report shows.
Oklahoma Indian activist Brenda Golden said the reason Indians figure so highly among race groups for incidents on hate crimes is that natives are historically viewed as scapegoats in the American conscience.
“People are gonna prey on the weak,” she said.”And we are weak because of 500 years of oppression.”
Golden said that resentment from general society characterizes Indians as receiving ill-deserved social benefits like food, health care and casino dividends. With these misperceptions, others view Indians as prime targets that arise from frustration and other factors.
“People think we get all these benefits when don’t,” she said. “And they also associate us with the past...that we killed white people indiscriminately when we were fighting for our land.”
Other Oklahoma activists said the data proves that Indians are most assaulted statistically. Louis Gray, president of the Tulsa Indian Coalition Against Racism, said that the general public would be alarmed if the statistics calculated for Indians matched their group percentage-wise.
“We know that one in three Indian women are likely to be physically assaulted in their lifetimes,” he said. “They’d be building walls if that applied to other women.”
The TICAR president said while education births awareness, it does not deal with the legacy of racism that is often a part of Indian and Black histories. People are often prejudice against Indians whom society would not categorize as such on the surface, Gray said.
“It’s ingrained in patterns of thinking...it’s cyclical,” he said. “When we becomes elements of objectification, then we are more vulnerable than other groups.”
The report ranked states in numbers of total reported hate crimes. In Oklahoma, there were 293 total agencies reporting 30 hate crimes of the overall 75 total. Other states with dense Indian populations, like Washington state and Arizona reported 195 and 161 total race crimes, respectively. The report did not break down state reports on victims or offenders by race, FBI officials said.
California had the largest total number of hate crimes with New Jersey and Michigan ranking second and third, respectively, data shows. Those figures do not depict the number of crimes against Indians, according to the report.
Incluirá alrededor de 40 actos de protesta en el área de Washington
Activistas celebrarán "una cumbre del pueblo" en oposición al G20
TeleSur
Activistas de EE.UU. comenzarán este viernes una "Cumbre del pueblo" en las calles de Washington en oposición al encuentro de los países del G20 y para exigir medidas económicas que beneficien a los trabajadores en todo el mundo.
La "Cumbre del pueblo" incluirá alrededor de 40 actos de protesta en el área de Washington, en paralelo a la cumbre de los mandatarios del llamado grupo de los 20 (G20), informaron los organizadores.
La protesta, según la Acción por Justicia Global, uno de los organizadores, se realizará en un ambiente festivo con "música, comida y arte" gratis para "celebrar una vida más allá del desequilibrado sistema económico global".
El G20, que incluye a los países más desarrollados así como a los de economías emergentes, tiene como objetivo en esta cumbre estudiar la nueva arquitectura financiera internacional, en un momento en que está amenazado el crecimiento de todo el mundo.
TeleSur
Activistas de EE.UU. comenzarán este viernes una "Cumbre del pueblo" en las calles de Washington en oposición al encuentro de los países del G20 y para exigir medidas económicas que beneficien a los trabajadores en todo el mundo.
La "Cumbre del pueblo" incluirá alrededor de 40 actos de protesta en el área de Washington, en paralelo a la cumbre de los mandatarios del llamado grupo de los 20 (G20), informaron los organizadores.
La protesta, según la Acción por Justicia Global, uno de los organizadores, se realizará en un ambiente festivo con "música, comida y arte" gratis para "celebrar una vida más allá del desequilibrado sistema económico global".
El G20, que incluye a los países más desarrollados así como a los de economías emergentes, tiene como objetivo en esta cumbre estudiar la nueva arquitectura financiera internacional, en un momento en que está amenazado el crecimiento de todo el mundo.
Antipathy Toward Gay America
The Last Bastion of Hate
By HOWARD LISNOFF
www.counterpunch.com
Veterans Day 1972 was as depressing a day as I had lived through since becoming a war resister during the Vietnam War. I had lost my appeal to the military and had been ordered to active duty, an order that I refused to follow. Just days before, George McGovern had lost the presidential election to incumbent Richard Nixon. Nixon had changed the nature of the war, withdrawing ground troops while waging a vicious air war against North Vietnam. The election and its aftermath was not an exercise in the abstract for me. My mother was a coordinator of the McGovern campaign in Rhode Island, and had literally put her heart and soul into the election, hoping that a McGovern victory would spell the end of the war. Election night saw McGovern win the single state of Massachusetts, and the war would go on another year for the U.S., and three more years for the North and South Vietnamese until the final victory of the North.
During the years of my resistance to the military and the war I considered leaving the U.S. for Canada twice. When I graduated from college I was accepted to McGill University in Montreal for graduate studies. That would have been a considerably more comfortable experience than that of the expatriates who I had met in Montreal during a visit in 1970. Many of the men I met had just arrived and had not had sufficient time to orient themselves to the rigors of life as an immigrant.
The next time an opportunity to seek asylum under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s generous policy of welcoming war resisters to Canada came in 1971 when I visited a friend who had become an expatriate and moved to Ontario. Beginning a new life in Canada never materialized for me, and I fought the battle against the military and the government in the U.S.
Election Day 2008 came with great expectation and some apprehension. I voted for Barack Obama, and was grateful that the long night of reactionary politics would soon be over. I would have liked to have voted for either Ralph Nader or Cynthia McKinney, but the practical trumped the ideal.
I opened my e-mail on the morning of Obama’s stunning victory to find a letter from a man in California who had read my article, “Burning Reason: More From the Religious Right” (CounterPunch, October 31). While I was not far removed from the sigh of relief I breathed on election night, the angst of the letter brought back memories of what it feels like to be driven to a decision of considering leaving the country.
The writer identified himself as a gay individual who was totally devastated by the passage of anti-gay measures in his home state of California (Arizona and Florida also passed similar laws). He made strong arguments that he could no longer bear being considered a second-class citizen whose right to free association had been dashed by Proposition 8, that defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman. He felt that his taxes were supporting a system that denied him a basic civil right. He was enraged and hurt at the signs that littered lawns during the election cycle in support of the proposition and intended to begin the process of seeking citizenship in Canada. How the feelings of so many years ago came rushing back to me between the lines of his writing and his suffering!
In the early 1990s I worked part-time as a co-leader in groups as a counselor working with issues of domestic violence. Once a month the agency I worked for had a supervisory meeting during which counselors would discuss issues from their group work. Those group sessions were led by a social worker. The issue of anti-gay attitudes came up repeatedly as a theme that many of the men we worked with expressed in the group setting. Astutely, the group leader observed that the antipathy for gays expressed in our groups was “the last bastion of hate in the society.” While election night showed that one wall of hatred had been shattered in the U.S. (at least among the majority of voters), another stood strong and a barrier to the promise of the unalienable rights of “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” that resonate so clearly in the Declaration of Independence.
Howard Lisnoff teaches writing and is a freelance writer. He can be reached at howielisnoff@gmail.com.
By HOWARD LISNOFF
www.counterpunch.com
Veterans Day 1972 was as depressing a day as I had lived through since becoming a war resister during the Vietnam War. I had lost my appeal to the military and had been ordered to active duty, an order that I refused to follow. Just days before, George McGovern had lost the presidential election to incumbent Richard Nixon. Nixon had changed the nature of the war, withdrawing ground troops while waging a vicious air war against North Vietnam. The election and its aftermath was not an exercise in the abstract for me. My mother was a coordinator of the McGovern campaign in Rhode Island, and had literally put her heart and soul into the election, hoping that a McGovern victory would spell the end of the war. Election night saw McGovern win the single state of Massachusetts, and the war would go on another year for the U.S., and three more years for the North and South Vietnamese until the final victory of the North.
During the years of my resistance to the military and the war I considered leaving the U.S. for Canada twice. When I graduated from college I was accepted to McGill University in Montreal for graduate studies. That would have been a considerably more comfortable experience than that of the expatriates who I had met in Montreal during a visit in 1970. Many of the men I met had just arrived and had not had sufficient time to orient themselves to the rigors of life as an immigrant.
The next time an opportunity to seek asylum under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s generous policy of welcoming war resisters to Canada came in 1971 when I visited a friend who had become an expatriate and moved to Ontario. Beginning a new life in Canada never materialized for me, and I fought the battle against the military and the government in the U.S.
Election Day 2008 came with great expectation and some apprehension. I voted for Barack Obama, and was grateful that the long night of reactionary politics would soon be over. I would have liked to have voted for either Ralph Nader or Cynthia McKinney, but the practical trumped the ideal.
I opened my e-mail on the morning of Obama’s stunning victory to find a letter from a man in California who had read my article, “Burning Reason: More From the Religious Right” (CounterPunch, October 31). While I was not far removed from the sigh of relief I breathed on election night, the angst of the letter brought back memories of what it feels like to be driven to a decision of considering leaving the country.
The writer identified himself as a gay individual who was totally devastated by the passage of anti-gay measures in his home state of California (Arizona and Florida also passed similar laws). He made strong arguments that he could no longer bear being considered a second-class citizen whose right to free association had been dashed by Proposition 8, that defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman. He felt that his taxes were supporting a system that denied him a basic civil right. He was enraged and hurt at the signs that littered lawns during the election cycle in support of the proposition and intended to begin the process of seeking citizenship in Canada. How the feelings of so many years ago came rushing back to me between the lines of his writing and his suffering!
In the early 1990s I worked part-time as a co-leader in groups as a counselor working with issues of domestic violence. Once a month the agency I worked for had a supervisory meeting during which counselors would discuss issues from their group work. Those group sessions were led by a social worker. The issue of anti-gay attitudes came up repeatedly as a theme that many of the men we worked with expressed in the group setting. Astutely, the group leader observed that the antipathy for gays expressed in our groups was “the last bastion of hate in the society.” While election night showed that one wall of hatred had been shattered in the U.S. (at least among the majority of voters), another stood strong and a barrier to the promise of the unalienable rights of “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” that resonate so clearly in the Declaration of Independence.
Howard Lisnoff teaches writing and is a freelance writer. He can be reached at howielisnoff@gmail.com.
Mujeres entre la guerra y la paz
Sara Lovera
SEMlac
Los hombres que se hacen del poder y las armas, protagonistas de enfrentamientos, propiciadores de conflictos por territorios, ideología o dinero, ejercen un sometimiento absoluto sobre las mujeres, que va de la violación sexual al aborto forzado, de la persecución y el asesinato a la esclavitud sexual. Actos que, por ser del cuerpo, fueron y son, por lo general, silenciados.
Son dolores del alma y del cuerpo.
Las víctimas no identificaron, en un primer instante, qué significaba la esclavitud sexual, por lo cual sólo en épocas muy recientes se supo que las militantes guerrilleras fueron forzadas y abusadas por amigos y enemigos, como sucedió en El Salvador, Nicaragua y ocurre en Colombia.
Del uso de las coreanas en los espacios de Confort (prostitución forzada), en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se conoció cuando Boc Dong Kim dio su testimonio preciso en 1993, en el Tribunal de Viena, durante la Conferencia de la ONU de los Derechos Humanos. Es decir, 52 años después.
Hechos como estos quedaron recogidos en el libro de María Suárez, Mujeres: metamorfosis del efecto mariposa, que se presentó el último viernes de octubre en Costa Rica.
En una singular reunión entre actoras o víctimas de los conflictos y comunicadoras, convocada por Radio Internacional Feminista (FIRE, por sus siglas en inglés), con sede en Costa Rica, se hizo memoria y conciencia de cómo, tras esas guerras que en el siglo XX cobraron 200 millones de vidas, las mujeres tejieron y tejen iniciativas de paz y de vida.
Ahí se recordó que las mujeres en la Segunda Guerra Mundial fueron clave para el rescate de los niños y niñas de los campos de concentración. Y en las épocas recientes, de la persecución militar a la guerrilla, de gobiernos de facto y dictaduras -como en Argentina en 1971 o Chile 1973- crearon espacios para la salud, la afirmación personal, la tramitación del duelo y de encuentro para generar solidaridad.
Con tales propósitos surgieron organizaciones como las Mujeres de Negro, las Abuelas de la Plaza de Mayo, la Ciudad de las Mujeres o Mujeres de Montaña.
Participaron en el acto un grupo de mujeres que han vivido o han escrito sobre los efectos de la guerra en la población femenina de países como Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Palestina, Colombia, Argentina, Costa Rica, Filipinas y México.
Testimonios de vida
A pesar de todo, en los peores contextos del conflicto las mujeres han creado espacios para la vida, como la Ciudad de las Mujeres en Colombia, a juzgar por el relato de Patricia Guerrero, presidenta de una organización llamada Liga de Mujeres Desplazadas de Colombia o la historia de Buscadita Roa que, desde las Abuelas de la Plaza de Mayo, lucha desde 1978 por encontrar a hijos y nietos.
Ella recientemente rescató a su nieta, entre 95 jóvenes. "Es lo que me hace muy fuerte para seguir luchando", dijo, al señalar que faltan al menos 400 nietos por rescatar".
De su lucha, afirmó que al principio "éramos las locas de la Plaza de Mayo" que, en plena dictadura, rompimos con las prohibiciones y, tocando todas las puertas, "desmantelamos las mentiras del poder militar".
Luz Dady Mabesoy nació en medio del conflicto colombiano hace 32 años. Ella representa la Mesa Mujer y Conflicto Armado de Colombia, una organización mixta que trabaja por construir un informe anual sobre el impacto del conflicto en la población femenina de esa nación sudamericana.
Informó que entre julio de 2002 y diciembre de 2007, por lo menos 1.314 mujeres perdieron la vida a causa de la violencia sociopolítica, y, de éstas, 179 fueron víctimas de desaparición forzada. En los casos en los cuales se conoce el presunto autor genérico de las violaciones, 70 por ciento se atribuyó a la responsabilidad del Estado y el resto a los grupos guerrilleros. Por lo menos 82 mujeres fueron víctimas de tortura.
Ellas continúan siendo víctimas de secuestro: al menos 1.944 mujeres perdieron su libertad víctimas de este delito, los grupos guerrilleros son los presuntos autores de 564 de estos casos. El desplazamiento forzado tuvo un incremento del 41 por ciento en el primer semestre de 2008 en relación con el mismo período de 2007.
Sueña Luz Dady porque deje de haber informes.
Al relato de Colombia se unieron las voces mexicanas. Nancy Belén Mota resumió los hechos en Oaxaca, para señalar cómo todavía hoy el gobierno tiene órdenes de aprehensión contra un grupo de mujeres que el primero de agosto de 2006 se hizo de la radio pública.
Y ahí, la periodista Soledad Jarquín recordó cómo el ejército violó a mujeres del pueblo Loxicha en 1953, en una supuesta persecución de grupos guerrilleros; y lo mismo pasa en un conflicto interétnico en la zona Trique, en las montañas de Oaxaca.
"Estados democráticos"
Pero atrás, en los años que se van perdiendo en la memoria, en Guatemala, Angélica López, del Grupo Actoras del Cambio, agrupación que ha levantado testimonios de las víctimas de la guerra civil no declarada, afirmó "hasta que oí a las mujeres mayas supe que la violación era un delito" y que se usa "contra el enemigo" Y es que había olvidado que soy indígena. Hoy las mujeres mayas definen a la violencia sexual como genocidio.
El informe de la Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico establece que la violencia sexual se concentró en mujeres mayas, con el 88,7 por ciento de las víctimas, 10,3 por ciento ladinas (no indígenas) y el uno por ciento en otros grupos, aspecto que evidencia el carácter racista de la guerra, en donde este delito tuvo como objetivo fundamental destruir los grupos indígenas, aparte de humillar y someter a los pueblos.
Las violaciones sexuales originaron éxodo de mujeres y la dispersión de comunidades enteras, rompieron lazos conyugales y sociales, generaron aislamiento social y vergüenza comunitaria, provocaron abortos e impidieron matrimonios dentro del grupo.
Nisreen Mazzawi, joven mujer de Palestina, explicó que no todas las musulmanas son árabes, ni todas las árabes son musulmanas. Ella es de origen cristiano y vive en la Franja de Gaza, en medio de un muro instalado por la guerra.
Esa es su vida, un muro real, físico, que ha encerrado a los palestinos que viven en Israel, y que tiene impactos muy graves en la vida cotidiana de las mujeres.
A esa situación, dijo, se suma la factura original de la sociedad Palestina, conservadora, que restringe la vida de su población femenina. A pesar de ello, Nisreen que tiene siempre una sonrisa como presentación, a sus 33 años, ha creado una organización de mujeres lesbianas y está construyendo un proyecto para una radio feminista.
A su turno, Gilda Parduci y Dinora Aguiñada, de El Salvador, Ana María Pizarro y Ana Evellyn Orozco, del Movimiento Autónomo de Nicaragua, relataron cómo, constructoras de movimiento y esperanza, han sido traicionadas por quienes con cara democrática y de avanzada, al final cedieron al poder y la gloria, atropellando de paso los derechos de las mujeres.
Mavic Cabrera, de Filipinas y de Tribuna de la Mujer en Nueva York, Katerina Anfossi, de origen chileno y directora de FIRE, Yarman Jiménez, colaboradora de FIRE y de origen cubano, todas trabajando por una iniciativa de paz y de vida, también hablaron de sus experiencias, de cómo llevamos en nuestra historia personal los recuerdos del conflicto, de los relatos de los padres y madres, o de las abuelas.
La propuesta de esta reunión es bien sencilla: hacer un esfuerzo de memoria, recuperar materiales sintetizados, y promover esos recuerdos a través de los medios de comunicación, y la paz, que es feminista y puede salvar muchas vidas. También, rescatar centros de documentación como el de Isis Internacional, representada ahí por Ana María Portugal, su directora.
En la sala de acuerdos estaban como medios regionales FIRE y SEMlac, dispuestas a construir un puente con la opinión pública: y estaban experiencias de radios comunitarias, agencias locales o nacionales y periodistas y técnicas independientes.
SEMlac
Los hombres que se hacen del poder y las armas, protagonistas de enfrentamientos, propiciadores de conflictos por territorios, ideología o dinero, ejercen un sometimiento absoluto sobre las mujeres, que va de la violación sexual al aborto forzado, de la persecución y el asesinato a la esclavitud sexual. Actos que, por ser del cuerpo, fueron y son, por lo general, silenciados.
Son dolores del alma y del cuerpo.
Las víctimas no identificaron, en un primer instante, qué significaba la esclavitud sexual, por lo cual sólo en épocas muy recientes se supo que las militantes guerrilleras fueron forzadas y abusadas por amigos y enemigos, como sucedió en El Salvador, Nicaragua y ocurre en Colombia.
Del uso de las coreanas en los espacios de Confort (prostitución forzada), en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se conoció cuando Boc Dong Kim dio su testimonio preciso en 1993, en el Tribunal de Viena, durante la Conferencia de la ONU de los Derechos Humanos. Es decir, 52 años después.
Hechos como estos quedaron recogidos en el libro de María Suárez, Mujeres: metamorfosis del efecto mariposa, que se presentó el último viernes de octubre en Costa Rica.
En una singular reunión entre actoras o víctimas de los conflictos y comunicadoras, convocada por Radio Internacional Feminista (FIRE, por sus siglas en inglés), con sede en Costa Rica, se hizo memoria y conciencia de cómo, tras esas guerras que en el siglo XX cobraron 200 millones de vidas, las mujeres tejieron y tejen iniciativas de paz y de vida.
Ahí se recordó que las mujeres en la Segunda Guerra Mundial fueron clave para el rescate de los niños y niñas de los campos de concentración. Y en las épocas recientes, de la persecución militar a la guerrilla, de gobiernos de facto y dictaduras -como en Argentina en 1971 o Chile 1973- crearon espacios para la salud, la afirmación personal, la tramitación del duelo y de encuentro para generar solidaridad.
Con tales propósitos surgieron organizaciones como las Mujeres de Negro, las Abuelas de la Plaza de Mayo, la Ciudad de las Mujeres o Mujeres de Montaña.
Participaron en el acto un grupo de mujeres que han vivido o han escrito sobre los efectos de la guerra en la población femenina de países como Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Palestina, Colombia, Argentina, Costa Rica, Filipinas y México.
Testimonios de vida
A pesar de todo, en los peores contextos del conflicto las mujeres han creado espacios para la vida, como la Ciudad de las Mujeres en Colombia, a juzgar por el relato de Patricia Guerrero, presidenta de una organización llamada Liga de Mujeres Desplazadas de Colombia o la historia de Buscadita Roa que, desde las Abuelas de la Plaza de Mayo, lucha desde 1978 por encontrar a hijos y nietos.
Ella recientemente rescató a su nieta, entre 95 jóvenes. "Es lo que me hace muy fuerte para seguir luchando", dijo, al señalar que faltan al menos 400 nietos por rescatar".
De su lucha, afirmó que al principio "éramos las locas de la Plaza de Mayo" que, en plena dictadura, rompimos con las prohibiciones y, tocando todas las puertas, "desmantelamos las mentiras del poder militar".
Luz Dady Mabesoy nació en medio del conflicto colombiano hace 32 años. Ella representa la Mesa Mujer y Conflicto Armado de Colombia, una organización mixta que trabaja por construir un informe anual sobre el impacto del conflicto en la población femenina de esa nación sudamericana.
Informó que entre julio de 2002 y diciembre de 2007, por lo menos 1.314 mujeres perdieron la vida a causa de la violencia sociopolítica, y, de éstas, 179 fueron víctimas de desaparición forzada. En los casos en los cuales se conoce el presunto autor genérico de las violaciones, 70 por ciento se atribuyó a la responsabilidad del Estado y el resto a los grupos guerrilleros. Por lo menos 82 mujeres fueron víctimas de tortura.
Ellas continúan siendo víctimas de secuestro: al menos 1.944 mujeres perdieron su libertad víctimas de este delito, los grupos guerrilleros son los presuntos autores de 564 de estos casos. El desplazamiento forzado tuvo un incremento del 41 por ciento en el primer semestre de 2008 en relación con el mismo período de 2007.
Sueña Luz Dady porque deje de haber informes.
Al relato de Colombia se unieron las voces mexicanas. Nancy Belén Mota resumió los hechos en Oaxaca, para señalar cómo todavía hoy el gobierno tiene órdenes de aprehensión contra un grupo de mujeres que el primero de agosto de 2006 se hizo de la radio pública.
Y ahí, la periodista Soledad Jarquín recordó cómo el ejército violó a mujeres del pueblo Loxicha en 1953, en una supuesta persecución de grupos guerrilleros; y lo mismo pasa en un conflicto interétnico en la zona Trique, en las montañas de Oaxaca.
"Estados democráticos"
Pero atrás, en los años que se van perdiendo en la memoria, en Guatemala, Angélica López, del Grupo Actoras del Cambio, agrupación que ha levantado testimonios de las víctimas de la guerra civil no declarada, afirmó "hasta que oí a las mujeres mayas supe que la violación era un delito" y que se usa "contra el enemigo" Y es que había olvidado que soy indígena. Hoy las mujeres mayas definen a la violencia sexual como genocidio.
El informe de la Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico establece que la violencia sexual se concentró en mujeres mayas, con el 88,7 por ciento de las víctimas, 10,3 por ciento ladinas (no indígenas) y el uno por ciento en otros grupos, aspecto que evidencia el carácter racista de la guerra, en donde este delito tuvo como objetivo fundamental destruir los grupos indígenas, aparte de humillar y someter a los pueblos.
Las violaciones sexuales originaron éxodo de mujeres y la dispersión de comunidades enteras, rompieron lazos conyugales y sociales, generaron aislamiento social y vergüenza comunitaria, provocaron abortos e impidieron matrimonios dentro del grupo.
Nisreen Mazzawi, joven mujer de Palestina, explicó que no todas las musulmanas son árabes, ni todas las árabes son musulmanas. Ella es de origen cristiano y vive en la Franja de Gaza, en medio de un muro instalado por la guerra.
Esa es su vida, un muro real, físico, que ha encerrado a los palestinos que viven en Israel, y que tiene impactos muy graves en la vida cotidiana de las mujeres.
A esa situación, dijo, se suma la factura original de la sociedad Palestina, conservadora, que restringe la vida de su población femenina. A pesar de ello, Nisreen que tiene siempre una sonrisa como presentación, a sus 33 años, ha creado una organización de mujeres lesbianas y está construyendo un proyecto para una radio feminista.
A su turno, Gilda Parduci y Dinora Aguiñada, de El Salvador, Ana María Pizarro y Ana Evellyn Orozco, del Movimiento Autónomo de Nicaragua, relataron cómo, constructoras de movimiento y esperanza, han sido traicionadas por quienes con cara democrática y de avanzada, al final cedieron al poder y la gloria, atropellando de paso los derechos de las mujeres.
Mavic Cabrera, de Filipinas y de Tribuna de la Mujer en Nueva York, Katerina Anfossi, de origen chileno y directora de FIRE, Yarman Jiménez, colaboradora de FIRE y de origen cubano, todas trabajando por una iniciativa de paz y de vida, también hablaron de sus experiencias, de cómo llevamos en nuestra historia personal los recuerdos del conflicto, de los relatos de los padres y madres, o de las abuelas.
La propuesta de esta reunión es bien sencilla: hacer un esfuerzo de memoria, recuperar materiales sintetizados, y promover esos recuerdos a través de los medios de comunicación, y la paz, que es feminista y puede salvar muchas vidas. También, rescatar centros de documentación como el de Isis Internacional, representada ahí por Ana María Portugal, su directora.
En la sala de acuerdos estaban como medios regionales FIRE y SEMlac, dispuestas a construir un puente con la opinión pública: y estaban experiencias de radios comunitarias, agencias locales o nacionales y periodistas y técnicas independientes.
Dissident Press
What Indy Media Heroes Can Teach Us
By JEFF COHEN
www.counterpunch.com
Independent media outlets that contributed so mightily to the stunning election result are about to be tested as to their “independence.” With Democrats in control, will these outlets be guided by principle or just partisanship? Will they speak truth to power and expose corruption and injustice over the long haul – no matter who’s in charge?
U.S. history offers role models. In this era when indy journalists reach mass audiences via blogs, viral video and podcasts, there is much to learn from the originators of dissident journalism. From the start of the Republic, bold entrepreneurs (often sole proprietors like many of today’s bloggers) stood up to censorship, jail and violence to sustain independent outlets that transformed our country.
Our Republic’s founding owes much to revolutionary pamphleteers like Tom Paine, who agitated against the King in Common Sense, a pamphlet that sold 150,000 copies when the colonial population was only 2.5 million people.
Study any cause that has improved our country since and you’ll find stubbornly independent journalists who challenged injustice in the face of ridicule and scorn from the mainstream media of their day. These journalistic heroes are chronicled in Rodger Streitmatter’s inspiring book, Voices of Revolution: The Dissident Press in America.
** Fifty years after the founding of our country, the development of factory production in Northeastern cities spawned the first labor weeklies – such as Philadelphia’s Mechanic’s Free Press and New York’s Working Man’s Advocate – that invoked the egalitarian spirit of 1776 to demand public schools, no child labor, a shorter (10-hour) workday and abolition of prison time as a penalty for debt. Mainstream dailies denounced such reforms as “fanatical” – but years later they became law.
** In 1831, a printer’s apprentice in Boston named WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON founded The Liberator, an incendiary abolitionist publication that defended slave revolts. “Our fathers spared nothing to free the country from British yoke,” Garrison declared, “and the freedom of the black slaves is as holy a cause as that of the Revolution.” He was jailed, assaulted and nearly lynched. The Georgia legislature offered a bounty to anyone who would kidnap Garrison and haul him to Georgia. The U.S. Postmaster General condoned vigilantes destroying the paper. Garrison reveled in (and reprinted) the denunciations he received from pro-slavery dailies, North and South. But nothing – including poverty – could stop The Liberator for 35 years, until slavery was abolished.
** In 1868, soon after Garrison’s paper ceased, feminists ELIZABETH CADY STANTON and SUSAN B. ANTHONY founded The Revolution to uphold the truth that “all men and women were created equal.” Not just a suffrage publication (“the ballot is not even half the loaf; it is only a crust, a crumb”), it campaigned against job discrimination, sexual harassment and domestic violence. With research documenting lower pay for female teachers nationwide, The Revolution championed equal pay for equal work, a now-popular concept (even if not fully embraced by Sen. John McCain). Like the ethical choices independents face today that undercut financial health, Stanton refused to run the then-ubiquitous ads for quack health elixirs. After the weekly ceased publishing after 30 months, Stanton commented: “I have the joy of knowing that I showed it to be possible to publish an out and out woman’s paper, and taught other women to enter in and reap where I have sown.”
** As The Revolution was ending, even more daring publications sprang up in the 1870s, advocating “free love,” sexual freedom and the right to divorce. Foreshadowing alternative papers of the 1960s and ‘70s, VICTORIA WOODHULL, editor of Woodhull and Claflin’s Weekly, described her “free love” philosophy in 1871: “I have an inalienable, constitutional and natural right to love whom I may, to love as long or short a period as I can, to change that love every day if I please. And with that right neither you nor any law you can frame have any right to interfere.” Not the kind of talk one hears from candidates for president – Woodhull ran in 1872. Her weekly once boasted a circulation of 20,000. Another sexual reform publication, The Word, was launched in 1872 by a rural Massachusetts couple, EZRA AND ANGELA HEYWOOD. It lasted 20 years, likening the husband/wife relationship to master/slave – and advocating for abortion choice and “unconditional repeal of the laws against adultery and fornication.”
These publications prompted a Religious Right backlash in the form of crusader Anthony Comstock and his Society for the Suppression of Vice, leading to federal and state anti-obscenity laws against mailing, distributing or receiving “lewd or lascivious” materials – the Comstock laws. Writers like Woodhull and Ezra Heywood did jail time.
** One of the real heroes of independent journalism in our country’s history was IDA B. WELLS, pamphleteer and founder of the anti-lynching movement in the 1890s. Born a slave, she edited the Memphis Free Press, distributed in several Southern states. To stop white newsstand proprietors from tricking illiterate blacks who asked for – but did not receive – the Free Press, she cleverly started printing it on pink paper. Wells moved to New York from Memphis after a mob destroyed her newspaper office. As an investigative journalist, she established in case after case the total innocence of victims of lynching – usually accused of rape. She advocated boycotts against racist white businesses (“the white man’s dollar is his god”), black migration from cities and towns where lynching was condoned, and ultimately self-defense against white vigilantes: “A Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home.” Wells was denounced by racist Southern and Northern dailies, including the New York Times, which called her a “slanderous and nasty-minded mulatress.” Her efforts led to state anti-lynching laws; she helped found the NAACP.
** Perhaps the biggest publication in the history of independent American journalism was the Appeal to Reason, a socialist weekly based in rural Kansas that reached a nationwide paid circulation of 750,000 in 1912 (equivalent to 2.4 million today). Like computer geeks who came to blogging, J.A. WAYLAND came to publishing as a printer’s apprentice. Like website operators who prefer anonymity, Wayland used an alias so he could cover socialist and labor gatherings without fanfare. Like websites that use “citizen journalists” to extend their reach, the Appeal recruited thousands of volunteer correspondents (to complement its 100-person staff). Editor FRED WARREN also recruited well-known writers like Jack London and Helen Keller. Labor organizer Mary “Mother” Jones did investigative reporting on unsafe working conditions, novelist Upton Sinclair wrote the inside reports on Chicago’s meatpacking plants that would soon become a bestselling book, The Jungle, and socialist leader Eugene Debs threatened an insurrection if mine union leaders were convicted in a frame-up in Idaho.
A 1908 bill in Congress that would deny discounted second-class mail privileges to publications deemed “radical” was killed beneath a deluge of protests from Appeal readers in every state. But years of federal and postal harassment, a failed assassination attempt and personal smears in mainstream publications took their toll on Wayland, who ultimately committed suicide in a state of depression. His democratic socialist utopia never materialized; reforms like union rights, labor laws and social security did.
These stories are deftly told in Streitmatter’s Voices of Revolution – as are those of other indy media heroes:
** ROBERT S. ABBOTT built the largest black paper in the country in the early 1900s, the Chicago Defender, to a circulation of 230,000 – much of it circulated hand-to-hand in the Deep South. The Defender’s relentless coverage of violent outrages in the South, coupled with glowing accounts of opportunities for blacks in the North, was a key force in the “Great Migration” of African Americans to Chicago and northern cities. Today, independent media rely on viral Internet; Abbott cultivated thousands of black sleeping-car porters – he advocated for them in print, and they transported his paper by the bundles from Chicago to cities and towns throughout the South.
** MARGARET SANGER was a well-off woman whose Woman Rebel magazine (and later Birth Control Review) advocated for working women and their right to choose not to conceive. Her mother had 11 children, plus seven miscarriages. “A woman’s body belongs to herself alone,” wrote Sanger. “It does not belong to the United States of America.” She originated the phrase “birth control.” For advocating it in print, she was jailed and briefly exiled under the Comstock laws. She went on to launch Planned Parenthood.
One journalistic maverick not discussed in Streitmatter’s book is GEORGE SELDES, a longtime mainstream foreign correspondent who launched the first and largest media criticism newsletter in U.S. history, In Fact, in 1940. It reached a circulation of 170,000 by 1947, before federal harassment and anti-Communist hysteria caused its demise in 1950. In Fact exposed the fascist sympathies of U.S. media moguls like William Randolph Hearst; 70 years ago, Seldes exposed the ongoing cover-up of tobacco’s health dangers in media outlets awash in cigarette ads. “The most sacred cow of the press,” said Seldes, “is the press itself.”
* * *
Today’s independent journalists have much to learn from their ancestors – including I.F. Stone’s Weekly and Ramparts magazine (circulation 250,000) that criticized the Vietnam War as Democratic presidents expanded it. And from the underground press of the 1960s – and gay and women’s media that emerged in the 1970s. A few lessons:
Don’t shy away from “lost causes”: In the face of public rebuke, financial loss and government repression far worse than what’s suffered by indy U.S. journalists today, the founding fathers and mothers of dissident journalism were fearless as they fought for longshot causes. Even when jailed or silenced or driven to despair, these journalistic trailblazers paved the way. “The only fights worth fighting are those you are going to lose,” explained I.F. Stone. “Because somebody has to fight them and lose and lose and lose until someday, somebody who believes as you do wins.… Go right ahead and fight, knowing you’re going to lose. You mustn’t feel like a martyr. You’ve got to enjoy it.”
Take advantage of mainstream silence: With their tenacious focus on slavery and lynching, William Lloyd Garrison and Ida B. Wells took aim at moral outrages that most mainstream journalism treated with quietude or platitudes. It’s no accident that a socialist weekly and not the New York Times assigned Upton Sinclair to expose working conditions in meat-packing, leading to The Jungle bestseller. Nor is it an accident today that Jeremy Scahill’s independent reporting on U.S. mercenaries in Iraq became the Blackwater bestseller – while corporate media slept. As Amy Goodman of Democracy Now! urges: “Go to where the silence is and say something.”
Take advantage of crisis: From the labor weeklies of the 1830s to the anti-establishment media of the late 1960s, independent outlets have boomed in eras of social upheaval and system failure of the type we’re experiencing now. Crisis brings audience; larger and emergent communities become reachable. When Team Bush promoted the Iraq invasion through obvious lies and distortions, the corporate media system faced a journalistic crisis . . . and failed – turning large numbers of independent-minded citizens into mainstream media exiles hungering for alternatives.
Take advantage of new technologies: Independent media have historically blossomed with new technologies and formats. The advent of offset printing and FM radio, for example, were key to 1960s counter-culture media. But nothing compares to today’s communications revolution, with new technologies slashing the costs of production and the Internet transforming media distribution – giving independents and startups a real chance to compete and thrive.
Defend press freedom and media reform: Major steps forward for dissident media have often brought reactions from status quo forces – sometimes violent suppression, sometimes more subtle responses like threats to their mailing rights. Last year, small magazines faced a big postal rate hike, a plan devised by the Time Warner conglomerate. Bonafide bloggers have often been denied press access. To flourish, independent media need enhanced public, community and minority broadcasting; non-profit and public access to cable and satellite TV; and Net Neutrality, preventing Internet providers like Comcast and Time Warner from privileging certain websites while discriminating against others.
Activate your base: Without distribution help from train porters, the Chicago Defender could not have reached its Southern Black Belt readership. Without an army of volunteer correspondents, the Appeal to Reason could not have had its nationwide clout. Today, blogger Josh Marshall relies on the involvement and research of his Talking Points Memo readership in exposing scandals like U.S. Attorneygate that brought down an Attorney General. The video distribution success of Robert Greenwald’s Brave New Films/Brave New Foundation relies on partnering with Netroots groups and activists. More than ever in our Internet era, the success of independent media depends on active communities – “the people formerly known as the audience.”
Stay stubbornly independent: This is the ultimate lesson. The waves of social progress that have reformed our country would not have happened had independent journalists gone silent or soft because of an election result or a change of parties in power.
Jeff Cohen is the founding director of the Park Center for Independent Media at Ithaca College. He founded the media watch group FAIR in 1986.
By JEFF COHEN
www.counterpunch.com
Independent media outlets that contributed so mightily to the stunning election result are about to be tested as to their “independence.” With Democrats in control, will these outlets be guided by principle or just partisanship? Will they speak truth to power and expose corruption and injustice over the long haul – no matter who’s in charge?
U.S. history offers role models. In this era when indy journalists reach mass audiences via blogs, viral video and podcasts, there is much to learn from the originators of dissident journalism. From the start of the Republic, bold entrepreneurs (often sole proprietors like many of today’s bloggers) stood up to censorship, jail and violence to sustain independent outlets that transformed our country.
Our Republic’s founding owes much to revolutionary pamphleteers like Tom Paine, who agitated against the King in Common Sense, a pamphlet that sold 150,000 copies when the colonial population was only 2.5 million people.
Study any cause that has improved our country since and you’ll find stubbornly independent journalists who challenged injustice in the face of ridicule and scorn from the mainstream media of their day. These journalistic heroes are chronicled in Rodger Streitmatter’s inspiring book, Voices of Revolution: The Dissident Press in America.
** Fifty years after the founding of our country, the development of factory production in Northeastern cities spawned the first labor weeklies – such as Philadelphia’s Mechanic’s Free Press and New York’s Working Man’s Advocate – that invoked the egalitarian spirit of 1776 to demand public schools, no child labor, a shorter (10-hour) workday and abolition of prison time as a penalty for debt. Mainstream dailies denounced such reforms as “fanatical” – but years later they became law.
** In 1831, a printer’s apprentice in Boston named WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON founded The Liberator, an incendiary abolitionist publication that defended slave revolts. “Our fathers spared nothing to free the country from British yoke,” Garrison declared, “and the freedom of the black slaves is as holy a cause as that of the Revolution.” He was jailed, assaulted and nearly lynched. The Georgia legislature offered a bounty to anyone who would kidnap Garrison and haul him to Georgia. The U.S. Postmaster General condoned vigilantes destroying the paper. Garrison reveled in (and reprinted) the denunciations he received from pro-slavery dailies, North and South. But nothing – including poverty – could stop The Liberator for 35 years, until slavery was abolished.
** In 1868, soon after Garrison’s paper ceased, feminists ELIZABETH CADY STANTON and SUSAN B. ANTHONY founded The Revolution to uphold the truth that “all men and women were created equal.” Not just a suffrage publication (“the ballot is not even half the loaf; it is only a crust, a crumb”), it campaigned against job discrimination, sexual harassment and domestic violence. With research documenting lower pay for female teachers nationwide, The Revolution championed equal pay for equal work, a now-popular concept (even if not fully embraced by Sen. John McCain). Like the ethical choices independents face today that undercut financial health, Stanton refused to run the then-ubiquitous ads for quack health elixirs. After the weekly ceased publishing after 30 months, Stanton commented: “I have the joy of knowing that I showed it to be possible to publish an out and out woman’s paper, and taught other women to enter in and reap where I have sown.”
** As The Revolution was ending, even more daring publications sprang up in the 1870s, advocating “free love,” sexual freedom and the right to divorce. Foreshadowing alternative papers of the 1960s and ‘70s, VICTORIA WOODHULL, editor of Woodhull and Claflin’s Weekly, described her “free love” philosophy in 1871: “I have an inalienable, constitutional and natural right to love whom I may, to love as long or short a period as I can, to change that love every day if I please. And with that right neither you nor any law you can frame have any right to interfere.” Not the kind of talk one hears from candidates for president – Woodhull ran in 1872. Her weekly once boasted a circulation of 20,000. Another sexual reform publication, The Word, was launched in 1872 by a rural Massachusetts couple, EZRA AND ANGELA HEYWOOD. It lasted 20 years, likening the husband/wife relationship to master/slave – and advocating for abortion choice and “unconditional repeal of the laws against adultery and fornication.”
These publications prompted a Religious Right backlash in the form of crusader Anthony Comstock and his Society for the Suppression of Vice, leading to federal and state anti-obscenity laws against mailing, distributing or receiving “lewd or lascivious” materials – the Comstock laws. Writers like Woodhull and Ezra Heywood did jail time.
** One of the real heroes of independent journalism in our country’s history was IDA B. WELLS, pamphleteer and founder of the anti-lynching movement in the 1890s. Born a slave, she edited the Memphis Free Press, distributed in several Southern states. To stop white newsstand proprietors from tricking illiterate blacks who asked for – but did not receive – the Free Press, she cleverly started printing it on pink paper. Wells moved to New York from Memphis after a mob destroyed her newspaper office. As an investigative journalist, she established in case after case the total innocence of victims of lynching – usually accused of rape. She advocated boycotts against racist white businesses (“the white man’s dollar is his god”), black migration from cities and towns where lynching was condoned, and ultimately self-defense against white vigilantes: “A Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home.” Wells was denounced by racist Southern and Northern dailies, including the New York Times, which called her a “slanderous and nasty-minded mulatress.” Her efforts led to state anti-lynching laws; she helped found the NAACP.
** Perhaps the biggest publication in the history of independent American journalism was the Appeal to Reason, a socialist weekly based in rural Kansas that reached a nationwide paid circulation of 750,000 in 1912 (equivalent to 2.4 million today). Like computer geeks who came to blogging, J.A. WAYLAND came to publishing as a printer’s apprentice. Like website operators who prefer anonymity, Wayland used an alias so he could cover socialist and labor gatherings without fanfare. Like websites that use “citizen journalists” to extend their reach, the Appeal recruited thousands of volunteer correspondents (to complement its 100-person staff). Editor FRED WARREN also recruited well-known writers like Jack London and Helen Keller. Labor organizer Mary “Mother” Jones did investigative reporting on unsafe working conditions, novelist Upton Sinclair wrote the inside reports on Chicago’s meatpacking plants that would soon become a bestselling book, The Jungle, and socialist leader Eugene Debs threatened an insurrection if mine union leaders were convicted in a frame-up in Idaho.
A 1908 bill in Congress that would deny discounted second-class mail privileges to publications deemed “radical” was killed beneath a deluge of protests from Appeal readers in every state. But years of federal and postal harassment, a failed assassination attempt and personal smears in mainstream publications took their toll on Wayland, who ultimately committed suicide in a state of depression. His democratic socialist utopia never materialized; reforms like union rights, labor laws and social security did.
These stories are deftly told in Streitmatter’s Voices of Revolution – as are those of other indy media heroes:
** ROBERT S. ABBOTT built the largest black paper in the country in the early 1900s, the Chicago Defender, to a circulation of 230,000 – much of it circulated hand-to-hand in the Deep South. The Defender’s relentless coverage of violent outrages in the South, coupled with glowing accounts of opportunities for blacks in the North, was a key force in the “Great Migration” of African Americans to Chicago and northern cities. Today, independent media rely on viral Internet; Abbott cultivated thousands of black sleeping-car porters – he advocated for them in print, and they transported his paper by the bundles from Chicago to cities and towns throughout the South.
** MARGARET SANGER was a well-off woman whose Woman Rebel magazine (and later Birth Control Review) advocated for working women and their right to choose not to conceive. Her mother had 11 children, plus seven miscarriages. “A woman’s body belongs to herself alone,” wrote Sanger. “It does not belong to the United States of America.” She originated the phrase “birth control.” For advocating it in print, she was jailed and briefly exiled under the Comstock laws. She went on to launch Planned Parenthood.
One journalistic maverick not discussed in Streitmatter’s book is GEORGE SELDES, a longtime mainstream foreign correspondent who launched the first and largest media criticism newsletter in U.S. history, In Fact, in 1940. It reached a circulation of 170,000 by 1947, before federal harassment and anti-Communist hysteria caused its demise in 1950. In Fact exposed the fascist sympathies of U.S. media moguls like William Randolph Hearst; 70 years ago, Seldes exposed the ongoing cover-up of tobacco’s health dangers in media outlets awash in cigarette ads. “The most sacred cow of the press,” said Seldes, “is the press itself.”
* * *
Today’s independent journalists have much to learn from their ancestors – including I.F. Stone’s Weekly and Ramparts magazine (circulation 250,000) that criticized the Vietnam War as Democratic presidents expanded it. And from the underground press of the 1960s – and gay and women’s media that emerged in the 1970s. A few lessons:
Don’t shy away from “lost causes”: In the face of public rebuke, financial loss and government repression far worse than what’s suffered by indy U.S. journalists today, the founding fathers and mothers of dissident journalism were fearless as they fought for longshot causes. Even when jailed or silenced or driven to despair, these journalistic trailblazers paved the way. “The only fights worth fighting are those you are going to lose,” explained I.F. Stone. “Because somebody has to fight them and lose and lose and lose until someday, somebody who believes as you do wins.… Go right ahead and fight, knowing you’re going to lose. You mustn’t feel like a martyr. You’ve got to enjoy it.”
Take advantage of mainstream silence: With their tenacious focus on slavery and lynching, William Lloyd Garrison and Ida B. Wells took aim at moral outrages that most mainstream journalism treated with quietude or platitudes. It’s no accident that a socialist weekly and not the New York Times assigned Upton Sinclair to expose working conditions in meat-packing, leading to The Jungle bestseller. Nor is it an accident today that Jeremy Scahill’s independent reporting on U.S. mercenaries in Iraq became the Blackwater bestseller – while corporate media slept. As Amy Goodman of Democracy Now! urges: “Go to where the silence is and say something.”
Take advantage of crisis: From the labor weeklies of the 1830s to the anti-establishment media of the late 1960s, independent outlets have boomed in eras of social upheaval and system failure of the type we’re experiencing now. Crisis brings audience; larger and emergent communities become reachable. When Team Bush promoted the Iraq invasion through obvious lies and distortions, the corporate media system faced a journalistic crisis . . . and failed – turning large numbers of independent-minded citizens into mainstream media exiles hungering for alternatives.
Take advantage of new technologies: Independent media have historically blossomed with new technologies and formats. The advent of offset printing and FM radio, for example, were key to 1960s counter-culture media. But nothing compares to today’s communications revolution, with new technologies slashing the costs of production and the Internet transforming media distribution – giving independents and startups a real chance to compete and thrive.
Defend press freedom and media reform: Major steps forward for dissident media have often brought reactions from status quo forces – sometimes violent suppression, sometimes more subtle responses like threats to their mailing rights. Last year, small magazines faced a big postal rate hike, a plan devised by the Time Warner conglomerate. Bonafide bloggers have often been denied press access. To flourish, independent media need enhanced public, community and minority broadcasting; non-profit and public access to cable and satellite TV; and Net Neutrality, preventing Internet providers like Comcast and Time Warner from privileging certain websites while discriminating against others.
Activate your base: Without distribution help from train porters, the Chicago Defender could not have reached its Southern Black Belt readership. Without an army of volunteer correspondents, the Appeal to Reason could not have had its nationwide clout. Today, blogger Josh Marshall relies on the involvement and research of his Talking Points Memo readership in exposing scandals like U.S. Attorneygate that brought down an Attorney General. The video distribution success of Robert Greenwald’s Brave New Films/Brave New Foundation relies on partnering with Netroots groups and activists. More than ever in our Internet era, the success of independent media depends on active communities – “the people formerly known as the audience.”
Stay stubbornly independent: This is the ultimate lesson. The waves of social progress that have reformed our country would not have happened had independent journalists gone silent or soft because of an election result or a change of parties in power.
Jeff Cohen is the founding director of the Park Center for Independent Media at Ithaca College. He founded the media watch group FAIR in 1986.
Feds look to bring in rape claims, more witness in 1975 AIM slaying trial
By Carson Walker, The Associated Press
Federal prosecutors handling the 1975 slaying of a woman want to include testimony at trial alleging one of the defendants raped her and statements made by several other people involved, according to court documents.
John Graham and Richard Marshall have pleaded not guilty to charges they committed or aided and abetted the first-degree murder of Annie Mae Aquash on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.
They are scheduled to stand trial in Rapid City starting Feb. 24, 33 years to the day after her body was found in the Badlands near Wanblee.
Marshall was indicted in August, five years after Graham and Arlo Looking Cloud were initially charged.
Looking Cloud was convicted in 2004 for his role in Aquash's murder and sentenced to life in prison.
Witnesses at his trial said he, Graham and Theda Clarke drove Aquash from Denver in late 1975 and that Graham shot Aquash in the Badlands as she begged for her life.
Clarke, who lives in a nursing home in western Nebraska, has not been charged.
Prosecutors accuse Marshall of providing the handgun and shells that killed Aquash.
Graham has denied killing Aquash but acknowledged being in the car from Denver.
All those involved were American Indian Movement members.
Federal prosecutors Marty Jackley and Bob Mandel filed a memorandum indicating they want to introduce statements made by Looking Cloud and Clarke, including:
A conversation between a cooperating witness, Looking Cloud and Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, from whose Denver house Aquash was abducted.
A conversation between the same witness and Clarke regarding the possibility Aquash was a government informant in which Clarke said, "Yeah, that's why we did it, and it wasn't ever going to happen again."
A phone conversation between Looking Cloud and Denise Maloney, one of Aquash's daughters.
Jackley and Mandel also filed notice that they want jurors to see evidence Graham sexually assaulted Aquash, bound her hands and kept her in the hatch of Clarke's red Ford Pinto before shooting her.
Graham can't be charged with sexual assault because the statute of limitations has expired. But the prosecutors said the evidence supports the murder charge.
Aquash was kept in the Pinto's hatch against her will on the drive to Rapid City and then to the Rosebud and Pine Ridge reservations, the prosecutors wrote.
While guarding Aquash in an empty apartment in Rapid City, Graham sexually assaulted her, according to the document.
Aquash was also held against her will during a stop at Marshall's house during which he gave Graham and the others the murder weapon, the prosecutors wrote.
According to their document, the sexual assault allegation is supported by evidence that includes:
Frank Dillon, who told a detective in 1998 that Graham acknowledged raping Aquash before he shot her in the head with a pistol as she prayed.
Other witness statements.
The autopsy that found evidence consistent with Aquash being raped shortly before her death.
Jackley and Mandel argued that federal rules would allow the introduction of the evidence because it is connected to the case, explains the circumstances of the crime and proves elements of the crime.
Federal prosecutors handling the 1975 slaying of a woman want to include testimony at trial alleging one of the defendants raped her and statements made by several other people involved, according to court documents.
John Graham and Richard Marshall have pleaded not guilty to charges they committed or aided and abetted the first-degree murder of Annie Mae Aquash on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.
They are scheduled to stand trial in Rapid City starting Feb. 24, 33 years to the day after her body was found in the Badlands near Wanblee.
Marshall was indicted in August, five years after Graham and Arlo Looking Cloud were initially charged.
Looking Cloud was convicted in 2004 for his role in Aquash's murder and sentenced to life in prison.
Witnesses at his trial said he, Graham and Theda Clarke drove Aquash from Denver in late 1975 and that Graham shot Aquash in the Badlands as she begged for her life.
Clarke, who lives in a nursing home in western Nebraska, has not been charged.
Prosecutors accuse Marshall of providing the handgun and shells that killed Aquash.
Graham has denied killing Aquash but acknowledged being in the car from Denver.
All those involved were American Indian Movement members.
Federal prosecutors Marty Jackley and Bob Mandel filed a memorandum indicating they want to introduce statements made by Looking Cloud and Clarke, including:
A conversation between a cooperating witness, Looking Cloud and Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, from whose Denver house Aquash was abducted.
A conversation between the same witness and Clarke regarding the possibility Aquash was a government informant in which Clarke said, "Yeah, that's why we did it, and it wasn't ever going to happen again."
A phone conversation between Looking Cloud and Denise Maloney, one of Aquash's daughters.
Jackley and Mandel also filed notice that they want jurors to see evidence Graham sexually assaulted Aquash, bound her hands and kept her in the hatch of Clarke's red Ford Pinto before shooting her.
Graham can't be charged with sexual assault because the statute of limitations has expired. But the prosecutors said the evidence supports the murder charge.
Aquash was kept in the Pinto's hatch against her will on the drive to Rapid City and then to the Rosebud and Pine Ridge reservations, the prosecutors wrote.
While guarding Aquash in an empty apartment in Rapid City, Graham sexually assaulted her, according to the document.
Aquash was also held against her will during a stop at Marshall's house during which he gave Graham and the others the murder weapon, the prosecutors wrote.
According to their document, the sexual assault allegation is supported by evidence that includes:
Frank Dillon, who told a detective in 1998 that Graham acknowledged raping Aquash before he shot her in the head with a pistol as she prayed.
Other witness statements.
The autopsy that found evidence consistent with Aquash being raped shortly before her death.
Jackley and Mandel argued that federal rules would allow the introduction of the evidence because it is connected to the case, explains the circumstances of the crime and proves elements of the crime.
“27 años de lucha, ni desaparecidos, ni impunidad”
Campaña mundial por la presentacion con vida de los detenidos desaparecidos por el gobierno de Felipe Calderón en México
Rebelión
www.rebelion.org
Estimadas amigas y amigos.
FEDEFAM SE SUMA A LA CAMPAÑA POR LA PRESENTACION CON VIDA DE FRANCISCO PAREDES RUIZ, EDMUNDO REYES AMAYA, GABRIEL ALBERTO CRUZ SÁNCHEZ Y LAURO JUÁREZ, DETENIDOS DESAPARECIDOS POR EL GOBIERNO DE MÉXICO EN EL AÑO 2007.
Esta campaña esta encabezada por las hijas, madres, esposas, amigos y familiares, miembros de la Asociación “HASTA ENCONTRARLOS” de México.
Hacemos el llamado a las diferentes organizaciones de derechos humanos mundial para que nos solidaricemos con la petición que hacen las familias de enviar cartas a las distintas autoridades en México, para exigir la presentación con vida de los detenidos desparecidos.
La desaparición forzada esta catalogada como delito de lesa humanidad, por lo tanto es crimen de Estado y como tal el gobierno mexicano está cometiendo delitos que ofenden a la Humanidad. Exijamos el alto a esta práctica.
NUNCA MÁS NI UN DETENIDO DESAPARECIDO EN MEXICO, NI EN CUALQUIER PARTE DEL MUNDO.
Atentamente,
Judith Galarza Campos
Secretaria Ejecutiva de FEDEFAM
Premio Theodor Haecker 2007
********************************************************************
A TODAS LAS ORGANIZACIONES DE DERECHOS HUMANOS NACIONALES E INTERNACIONALES,
Campaña de cartas por la presentación con vida de Francisco Paredes Ruiz, Edmundo Reyes Amaya, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez y Lauro Juárez, detenidos desaparecidos por el gobierno de México en el año 2007.
Les solicitamos de la manera más urgente su solidaridad ante este caso de la desaparición forzada de nuestros familiares, ya que a más de un año de la desaparición forzada de los luchadores sociales; José Francisco Paredes Ruiz (integrante de organización de derechos humanos Fundación Diego Lucero), Edmundo Reyes Amaya, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez, y a 11 meses de la detención desaparición forzada de Lauro Juárez, las autoridades no han dado con su paradero.
En el estado de Michoacán el 26 de septiembre del 2007 desapareció José Francisco Paredes Ruiz, integrante de la organización de Derechos Humanos Diego Lucero (organización que lleva la denuncia de 7 casos de detenidos desaparecidos en los años 70), Francisco participo en la defensa de tierras comunales del Lago de Zirahuen, en el Estado de Michoacán. A demás de que Francisco Paredes Ruiz en los años 70 fue preso político durante 7 años y durante unos días fue detenido desaparecido.
En Oaxaca, El 25 de mayo del 2007, detienen y desaparecen a Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez y Edmundo Reyes Amaya, quienes los reivindica un grupo insurgente; Ejercito Popular Revolucionario (EPR).
El 10 de diciembre del 2007 en el cerro del vidrio, en Oaxaca, detienen y desaparecen al Sr. Lauro Juárez, indígena Chatino. El Sr. Lauro Juárez fue electo Regidor de Hacienda quien el Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE) se rehusó a reconocer su legitimidad junto con otros representantes que fueron elegidos por prácticas tradicionales de las poblaciones indígenas, un sistema de elección que esta presente en la mayoría de los municipios de Oaxaca.
El gobierno, tanto del Estado de Michoacán como del Estado de Oaxaca, que se dice uno ser democrático y el otro institucional, y que junto con el gobierno federal de ultra derecha; niegan aparentando un total desconocimiento sobre el paradero de nuestros familiares y dando una represión mediante el acoso a los familiares que han decidido hacer una denuncia, exigiendo la presentación con vida de cada desaparecido, intimidándolos tratando de ocultar cada caso ante la sociedad, ante los medios de comunicación, y también desapareciendo y matando extrajudicialmente a corresponsales de algún periódico o un medio de comunicación que se atrevió a escribir unas líneas sobre la situación social que vive este país.
Hoy hacemos un llamado pidiendo la solidaridad de toda la población de México, a que se unan con nosotros a esta campaña de cartas para que con el apoyo internacional (organizaciones de derechos humanos, embajadores, presidentes de cada país en el mundo, periodistas, escritores, artistas, estudiantes, comités, sindicatos, familiares de detenidos desaparecidos, etc.) logremos nuestro propósito que es la presentación con vida de nuestros familiares, así como también hacemos la invitación a que los familiares de los detenidos desaparecidos, se unan a nuestra campaña para juntar fuerzas para resistir esta lucha por la presentación con vida de nuestros familiares hasta que el gobierno nos regrese a cada uno de ellos y exista un castigo para los responsables de estos crímenes de lesa humanidad.
Nuestro propósito es lograr que en cada país del mundo, los Presidentes, los Embajadores, Diputados, las Organizaciones de Derechos Humanos, personas que se solidaricen ante esta exigencia justa, le escriban al Presidente de México, a la CNDH, al Gobernador de Michoacán y de Oaxaca, al Procurador de la República etc., para pedir una aclaración y la presentación inmediata de Francisco Paredes Ruiz, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez, Edmundo Reyes Amaya y Lauro Juárez.
Comité Nacional de Familiares por La Presentación con vida de las y los Desaparecidos “Hasta Encontrarlos”
Mandar cartas a los siguientes destinatarios, Con Copia para: vivoslosqueremos@hotmail.com , hastaencontrarlos@gmail.com , redeheri@hotmail.com ,
FEDEFAM: fedefam@gamil.com , fedefamorg@cantv.net
1.- Presidente FELIPE DE JESÚS CALDERÓN HINOJOSA
Residencia Oficial de los Pinos Casa Miguel Alemán
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec,
C.P. 11850, México DF
Tel: +52 (55) 27891100
Fax: +52 (55) 52772376
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx
2.- Lic. Eduardo Medina-Mora Icaza
Procurador General de la República
Paseo de la Reforma nº 211-213
ofproc@pgr.gob.mx
5.- Mtro. Leonel Godoy Rangel
Gobernador del Estado de Michoacán.
contacto.despacho@michoacan.gob.mx
8.- Lic. Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
Gobernador Constitucional
del Estado de Oaxaca
Fax. 01 (951) 51 65 966,51-60677/ fax: 51-63737
10.- Sr. Amerigo Incalcaterra
Representante en México de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos
oacnudh@hchr.org.mx
11.- El Observatorio para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos
Tel. y fax: FIDH: + 33 (0) 1 43 55 20 11 / + 33 (0) 1 43 55 18 80
Tel. y fax OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39 / + 41 22 809 49 29
Appeals@fidh-omct.org
12.- Sr. Santiago Cantón
Secretario Ejecutivo de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos
cidhoea@oas.org
Rebelión
www.rebelion.org
Estimadas amigas y amigos.
FEDEFAM SE SUMA A LA CAMPAÑA POR LA PRESENTACION CON VIDA DE FRANCISCO PAREDES RUIZ, EDMUNDO REYES AMAYA, GABRIEL ALBERTO CRUZ SÁNCHEZ Y LAURO JUÁREZ, DETENIDOS DESAPARECIDOS POR EL GOBIERNO DE MÉXICO EN EL AÑO 2007.
Esta campaña esta encabezada por las hijas, madres, esposas, amigos y familiares, miembros de la Asociación “HASTA ENCONTRARLOS” de México.
Hacemos el llamado a las diferentes organizaciones de derechos humanos mundial para que nos solidaricemos con la petición que hacen las familias de enviar cartas a las distintas autoridades en México, para exigir la presentación con vida de los detenidos desparecidos.
La desaparición forzada esta catalogada como delito de lesa humanidad, por lo tanto es crimen de Estado y como tal el gobierno mexicano está cometiendo delitos que ofenden a la Humanidad. Exijamos el alto a esta práctica.
NUNCA MÁS NI UN DETENIDO DESAPARECIDO EN MEXICO, NI EN CUALQUIER PARTE DEL MUNDO.
Atentamente,
Judith Galarza Campos
Secretaria Ejecutiva de FEDEFAM
Premio Theodor Haecker 2007
********************************************************************
A TODAS LAS ORGANIZACIONES DE DERECHOS HUMANOS NACIONALES E INTERNACIONALES,
Campaña de cartas por la presentación con vida de Francisco Paredes Ruiz, Edmundo Reyes Amaya, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez y Lauro Juárez, detenidos desaparecidos por el gobierno de México en el año 2007.
Les solicitamos de la manera más urgente su solidaridad ante este caso de la desaparición forzada de nuestros familiares, ya que a más de un año de la desaparición forzada de los luchadores sociales; José Francisco Paredes Ruiz (integrante de organización de derechos humanos Fundación Diego Lucero), Edmundo Reyes Amaya, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez, y a 11 meses de la detención desaparición forzada de Lauro Juárez, las autoridades no han dado con su paradero.
En el estado de Michoacán el 26 de septiembre del 2007 desapareció José Francisco Paredes Ruiz, integrante de la organización de Derechos Humanos Diego Lucero (organización que lleva la denuncia de 7 casos de detenidos desaparecidos en los años 70), Francisco participo en la defensa de tierras comunales del Lago de Zirahuen, en el Estado de Michoacán. A demás de que Francisco Paredes Ruiz en los años 70 fue preso político durante 7 años y durante unos días fue detenido desaparecido.
En Oaxaca, El 25 de mayo del 2007, detienen y desaparecen a Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez y Edmundo Reyes Amaya, quienes los reivindica un grupo insurgente; Ejercito Popular Revolucionario (EPR).
El 10 de diciembre del 2007 en el cerro del vidrio, en Oaxaca, detienen y desaparecen al Sr. Lauro Juárez, indígena Chatino. El Sr. Lauro Juárez fue electo Regidor de Hacienda quien el Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE) se rehusó a reconocer su legitimidad junto con otros representantes que fueron elegidos por prácticas tradicionales de las poblaciones indígenas, un sistema de elección que esta presente en la mayoría de los municipios de Oaxaca.
El gobierno, tanto del Estado de Michoacán como del Estado de Oaxaca, que se dice uno ser democrático y el otro institucional, y que junto con el gobierno federal de ultra derecha; niegan aparentando un total desconocimiento sobre el paradero de nuestros familiares y dando una represión mediante el acoso a los familiares que han decidido hacer una denuncia, exigiendo la presentación con vida de cada desaparecido, intimidándolos tratando de ocultar cada caso ante la sociedad, ante los medios de comunicación, y también desapareciendo y matando extrajudicialmente a corresponsales de algún periódico o un medio de comunicación que se atrevió a escribir unas líneas sobre la situación social que vive este país.
Hoy hacemos un llamado pidiendo la solidaridad de toda la población de México, a que se unan con nosotros a esta campaña de cartas para que con el apoyo internacional (organizaciones de derechos humanos, embajadores, presidentes de cada país en el mundo, periodistas, escritores, artistas, estudiantes, comités, sindicatos, familiares de detenidos desaparecidos, etc.) logremos nuestro propósito que es la presentación con vida de nuestros familiares, así como también hacemos la invitación a que los familiares de los detenidos desaparecidos, se unan a nuestra campaña para juntar fuerzas para resistir esta lucha por la presentación con vida de nuestros familiares hasta que el gobierno nos regrese a cada uno de ellos y exista un castigo para los responsables de estos crímenes de lesa humanidad.
Nuestro propósito es lograr que en cada país del mundo, los Presidentes, los Embajadores, Diputados, las Organizaciones de Derechos Humanos, personas que se solidaricen ante esta exigencia justa, le escriban al Presidente de México, a la CNDH, al Gobernador de Michoacán y de Oaxaca, al Procurador de la República etc., para pedir una aclaración y la presentación inmediata de Francisco Paredes Ruiz, Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez, Edmundo Reyes Amaya y Lauro Juárez.
Comité Nacional de Familiares por La Presentación con vida de las y los Desaparecidos “Hasta Encontrarlos”
Mandar cartas a los siguientes destinatarios, Con Copia para: vivoslosqueremos@hotmail.com , hastaencontrarlos@gmail.com , redeheri@hotmail.com ,
FEDEFAM: fedefam@gamil.com , fedefamorg@cantv.net
1.- Presidente FELIPE DE JESÚS CALDERÓN HINOJOSA
Residencia Oficial de los Pinos Casa Miguel Alemán
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec,
C.P. 11850, México DF
Tel: +52 (55) 27891100
Fax: +52 (55) 52772376
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx
2.- Lic. Eduardo Medina-Mora Icaza
Procurador General de la República
Paseo de la Reforma nº 211-213
ofproc@pgr.gob.mx
5.- Mtro. Leonel Godoy Rangel
Gobernador del Estado de Michoacán.
contacto.despacho@michoacan.gob.mx
8.- Lic. Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
Gobernador Constitucional
del Estado de Oaxaca
Fax. 01 (951) 51 65 966,51-60677/ fax: 51-63737
10.- Sr. Amerigo Incalcaterra
Representante en México de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos
oacnudh@hchr.org.mx
11.- El Observatorio para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos
Tel. y fax: FIDH: + 33 (0) 1 43 55 20 11 / + 33 (0) 1 43 55 18 80
Tel. y fax OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39 / + 41 22 809 49 29
Appeals@fidh-omct.org
12.- Sr. Santiago Cantón
Secretario Ejecutivo de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos
cidhoea@oas.org
Boycotting Israeli Settlement Products
Tactic vs. Strategy
By OMAR BARGHOUTI
http://www.counterpunch.com
A spate of recent news reports on international companies moving out of the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) to locations inside pre-1967 Israeli borders gives the impression that boycotting products originating in illegal Israeli colonies is on its way to becoming mainstream, handing the growing boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement with a fresh, substantial victory. While this development should indeed be celebrated by all BDS activists anywhere, caution is called for in distinguishing between advocating such a targeted boycott as a tactic, leading to the ultimate goal of boycotting all Israeli goods and services, and as an end in itself. While the former may be necessary in some countries as a convenient tool of raising awareness and promoting debate about Israel’s colonial and apartheid regime, the latter, despite its lure, would be in direct contradiction with the stated objectives of the Palestinian boycott movement.
Most recently, the Swedish company, Assa Abloy, heeded appeals from the Church of Sweden and other prominent Swedish organizations and decided to move its Mul-T-Lock door factory from the industrial zone of the Barkan colony in the occupied West Bank to a yet-unannounced location inside Israel, following the lead of Barkan Wineries, a partially Dutch-owned company that had already left Barkan to Kibbutz Hulda. The fact that part of this kibbutz sits on top of an ethnically cleansed Palestinian village whose name, Khulda, the Kibbutz had – typically – appropriated was not viewed, apparently, as worthy enough to be mentioned in the documents accusing the wine maker of wrongdoing, according to international law.
Moreover, in a noteworthy precedent, The Independent reported last week that the British government has decided to “crack down on exports from Israeli settlements,” based on the fact that Israel has persistently violated its trade agreements with the EU which provide tariff exemptions only to goods produced within Israel, not in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). Conforming to United Nations resolutions and international law, the United Kingdom, its EU partners, along with almost the entire so-called international community, consider Israeli settlements illegal, even a war crime, according to the Fourth Geneva Convention, and therefore refuse to extend any tariff privileges to their products.
In reality, though, EU countries have for decades looked the other way while Israel exported its colonies’ products as produce of Israel.
According to an article in Haaretz on the background to this unfolding trade row between Israel and the UK – and potentially the whole EU – Israel had agreed, in past disputes with the EU, to indicate on its products exported to the EU countries the geographic origin of its goods. Britain, however, charges that “Israeli companies located in settlements try to get around the agreement by registering company offices within the Green Line,” effectively obfuscating the lines distinguishing settlement products from other Israeli products, thereby breaching clauses in its agreements with the EU that specifically target the former.
Following intensive pressure from British and Palestinian human rights groups as well as from a fast spreading–and quite promising–boycott campaign against Israel in the UK that reached the ivory tower of the academy as well as the largest trade unions, it seems that the British government is finally taking note of Israel’s most obvious and unmistakable illegal practices and trying to work with its partners to put an end to them.
This evolving, commendable British policy, actually a belated recognition of the need to respect and implement a long-approved European policy, shows that the position advocated by the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign to boycott all Israeli products is not only morally but also pragmatically sound. At a most basic level, one would expect the BDS campaign’s ceiling of demands to be rather higher than that of the British Government's.
In fact, while the Palestinian BDS movement has consistently expressed its deep appreciation of every effort to treat Israel as apartheid South Africa was, it views the whole approach of focusing on banning only settlement products as the ultimate goal, rather than as a first, more convenient step towards a general Israeli products boycott, as problematic, practically, politically and morally.
At a practical level, as argued above, Israel has made it extremely difficult to differentiate between settlement and other Israeli products, simply because the majority of parent companies are based inside Israel. Most organic Israeli products, for instance, are produced in the illegal colonies in the OPT but are labelled as product of Israel since the actual companies that sell them are based inside Israel, and that's where quite often the final packaging (the last phase of the production process) is done. This type of deception is commonplace, especially since Israel is well aware that it is violating the EU-Israel trade agreement and is doing its best to get around the restrictions included in it. The only reason Israel has managed to get away with such blatant violation for so long is not technical but political: shameful – and, unfortunately, quite typical – EU official complacency and treatment of Israel as a state above the law of nations.
Still, some genuine supporters of Palestinian rights may argue, it is much easier to continue to target settlement products with boycott as there is a consensus of sorts on the illegality of the settlements, whereas the same cannot be said about other Israeli injustices that may motivate a more comprehensive boycott, as urged in the Palestinian BDS Call and called for in the final declaration of the recently launched Bilbao Initiative of civil society in support of justice in Palestine. Even if one were to accept this pragmatic argument, the fact that Israel has failed to distinguish between settlement products and other Israeli products should justify -– at a tactical level -- advocating a boycott of all Israeli products and services at least until Israel adequately complies with the EU requirement of labelling settlement products clearly and accurately.
Politically speaking, though, and even if distinguishing between produce of settlements and produce of Israel were possible, activists who on principle – rather than out of convenience – advocate a boycott of only the former may indicate that they themselves are merely objecting to the Israeli military occupation and colonization of 1967 and have no problem whatsoever with Israel as a state that practices apartheid, or institutionalized racial discrimination, against its own "non-Jewish" citizens and that denies Palestinian refugee rights, sanctioned by the UN. Even if we ignore those other grave injustices committed by Israel, and irrespective of what solution to this entire oppression any of us may uphold, one cannot but recognize the inherent flaws in this argument.
When a state X occupies another "state" Y and persistently violates UN resolutions calling for an end to this occupation, the international community often punishes X and not some manifestation of X’s occupation! Governments aside, international civil society organizations have repeatedly boycotted entire states implicated in prolonged belligerent occupation, apartheid or other severe human rights violations, and not just parts of those states. Was there ever a movement calling for boycotting the bantustans alone in South Africa? Are there calls for boycotting only the Sudanese army and government officials present in Darfur today? Did any of the free-Tibet activists ever call for boycotting only those Chinese products made in Tibet?
Forgetting for the moment the fact that it was born out of ethnic cleansing and the destruction of the indigenous Palestinian society, Israel is the state that built and is fully responsible for maintaining the illegal Jewish colonies. Why should anyone punish the settlements and not Israel? This hardly makes any sense, politically speaking. Despite their noble intentions, people of conscience supporting peace and justice in Palestine who accept this distinction are effectively accommodating Israeli exceptionalism, or Israel's status as a state above the law.
Finally, and most crucially, there is a moral problem that must be addressed in this approach. Ignoring Israel's denial of refugee rights and its own system of racial discrimination against its “non-Jewish” citizens, the two other fundamental injustices listed in the BDS Call, is tantamount to accepting these two grave -- certainly not any less evil -- violations of human rights and international law as a given, or something that "we can live with." Well, we cannot. Why should European civil society that fought apartheid in South Africa accept apartheid in Israel as normal, tolerable or unquestionable? Holocaust guilt cannot morally justify European complicity in prolonging the suffering, bloodshed and decades-old injustice that Israel has visited upon Palestinians and Arabs in general, using the Nazi genocide as pretext.
This whole paradigm needs to be challenged, not accepted as common wisdom.
Therefore, wherever necessary in a particular context, advocating a boycott of settlement produce should be only a first, relatively easier, step towards a full boycott of all Israeli products. It cannot be the final goal of activists fighting Israeli apartheid.
Omar Barghouti is a founding member of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign www.BDSmovement.net
By OMAR BARGHOUTI
http://www.counterpunch.com
A spate of recent news reports on international companies moving out of the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) to locations inside pre-1967 Israeli borders gives the impression that boycotting products originating in illegal Israeli colonies is on its way to becoming mainstream, handing the growing boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement with a fresh, substantial victory. While this development should indeed be celebrated by all BDS activists anywhere, caution is called for in distinguishing between advocating such a targeted boycott as a tactic, leading to the ultimate goal of boycotting all Israeli goods and services, and as an end in itself. While the former may be necessary in some countries as a convenient tool of raising awareness and promoting debate about Israel’s colonial and apartheid regime, the latter, despite its lure, would be in direct contradiction with the stated objectives of the Palestinian boycott movement.
Most recently, the Swedish company, Assa Abloy, heeded appeals from the Church of Sweden and other prominent Swedish organizations and decided to move its Mul-T-Lock door factory from the industrial zone of the Barkan colony in the occupied West Bank to a yet-unannounced location inside Israel, following the lead of Barkan Wineries, a partially Dutch-owned company that had already left Barkan to Kibbutz Hulda. The fact that part of this kibbutz sits on top of an ethnically cleansed Palestinian village whose name, Khulda, the Kibbutz had – typically – appropriated was not viewed, apparently, as worthy enough to be mentioned in the documents accusing the wine maker of wrongdoing, according to international law.
Moreover, in a noteworthy precedent, The Independent reported last week that the British government has decided to “crack down on exports from Israeli settlements,” based on the fact that Israel has persistently violated its trade agreements with the EU which provide tariff exemptions only to goods produced within Israel, not in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). Conforming to United Nations resolutions and international law, the United Kingdom, its EU partners, along with almost the entire so-called international community, consider Israeli settlements illegal, even a war crime, according to the Fourth Geneva Convention, and therefore refuse to extend any tariff privileges to their products.
In reality, though, EU countries have for decades looked the other way while Israel exported its colonies’ products as produce of Israel.
According to an article in Haaretz on the background to this unfolding trade row between Israel and the UK – and potentially the whole EU – Israel had agreed, in past disputes with the EU, to indicate on its products exported to the EU countries the geographic origin of its goods. Britain, however, charges that “Israeli companies located in settlements try to get around the agreement by registering company offices within the Green Line,” effectively obfuscating the lines distinguishing settlement products from other Israeli products, thereby breaching clauses in its agreements with the EU that specifically target the former.
Following intensive pressure from British and Palestinian human rights groups as well as from a fast spreading–and quite promising–boycott campaign against Israel in the UK that reached the ivory tower of the academy as well as the largest trade unions, it seems that the British government is finally taking note of Israel’s most obvious and unmistakable illegal practices and trying to work with its partners to put an end to them.
This evolving, commendable British policy, actually a belated recognition of the need to respect and implement a long-approved European policy, shows that the position advocated by the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign to boycott all Israeli products is not only morally but also pragmatically sound. At a most basic level, one would expect the BDS campaign’s ceiling of demands to be rather higher than that of the British Government's.
In fact, while the Palestinian BDS movement has consistently expressed its deep appreciation of every effort to treat Israel as apartheid South Africa was, it views the whole approach of focusing on banning only settlement products as the ultimate goal, rather than as a first, more convenient step towards a general Israeli products boycott, as problematic, practically, politically and morally.
At a practical level, as argued above, Israel has made it extremely difficult to differentiate between settlement and other Israeli products, simply because the majority of parent companies are based inside Israel. Most organic Israeli products, for instance, are produced in the illegal colonies in the OPT but are labelled as product of Israel since the actual companies that sell them are based inside Israel, and that's where quite often the final packaging (the last phase of the production process) is done. This type of deception is commonplace, especially since Israel is well aware that it is violating the EU-Israel trade agreement and is doing its best to get around the restrictions included in it. The only reason Israel has managed to get away with such blatant violation for so long is not technical but political: shameful – and, unfortunately, quite typical – EU official complacency and treatment of Israel as a state above the law of nations.
Still, some genuine supporters of Palestinian rights may argue, it is much easier to continue to target settlement products with boycott as there is a consensus of sorts on the illegality of the settlements, whereas the same cannot be said about other Israeli injustices that may motivate a more comprehensive boycott, as urged in the Palestinian BDS Call and called for in the final declaration of the recently launched Bilbao Initiative of civil society in support of justice in Palestine. Even if one were to accept this pragmatic argument, the fact that Israel has failed to distinguish between settlement products and other Israeli products should justify -– at a tactical level -- advocating a boycott of all Israeli products and services at least until Israel adequately complies with the EU requirement of labelling settlement products clearly and accurately.
Politically speaking, though, and even if distinguishing between produce of settlements and produce of Israel were possible, activists who on principle – rather than out of convenience – advocate a boycott of only the former may indicate that they themselves are merely objecting to the Israeli military occupation and colonization of 1967 and have no problem whatsoever with Israel as a state that practices apartheid, or institutionalized racial discrimination, against its own "non-Jewish" citizens and that denies Palestinian refugee rights, sanctioned by the UN. Even if we ignore those other grave injustices committed by Israel, and irrespective of what solution to this entire oppression any of us may uphold, one cannot but recognize the inherent flaws in this argument.
When a state X occupies another "state" Y and persistently violates UN resolutions calling for an end to this occupation, the international community often punishes X and not some manifestation of X’s occupation! Governments aside, international civil society organizations have repeatedly boycotted entire states implicated in prolonged belligerent occupation, apartheid or other severe human rights violations, and not just parts of those states. Was there ever a movement calling for boycotting the bantustans alone in South Africa? Are there calls for boycotting only the Sudanese army and government officials present in Darfur today? Did any of the free-Tibet activists ever call for boycotting only those Chinese products made in Tibet?
Forgetting for the moment the fact that it was born out of ethnic cleansing and the destruction of the indigenous Palestinian society, Israel is the state that built and is fully responsible for maintaining the illegal Jewish colonies. Why should anyone punish the settlements and not Israel? This hardly makes any sense, politically speaking. Despite their noble intentions, people of conscience supporting peace and justice in Palestine who accept this distinction are effectively accommodating Israeli exceptionalism, or Israel's status as a state above the law.
Finally, and most crucially, there is a moral problem that must be addressed in this approach. Ignoring Israel's denial of refugee rights and its own system of racial discrimination against its “non-Jewish” citizens, the two other fundamental injustices listed in the BDS Call, is tantamount to accepting these two grave -- certainly not any less evil -- violations of human rights and international law as a given, or something that "we can live with." Well, we cannot. Why should European civil society that fought apartheid in South Africa accept apartheid in Israel as normal, tolerable or unquestionable? Holocaust guilt cannot morally justify European complicity in prolonging the suffering, bloodshed and decades-old injustice that Israel has visited upon Palestinians and Arabs in general, using the Nazi genocide as pretext.
This whole paradigm needs to be challenged, not accepted as common wisdom.
Therefore, wherever necessary in a particular context, advocating a boycott of settlement produce should be only a first, relatively easier, step towards a full boycott of all Israeli products. It cannot be the final goal of activists fighting Israeli apartheid.
Omar Barghouti is a founding member of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign www.BDSmovement.net
Periodistas asesinados en México
Diagonal
Tres periodistas han muerto en México en septiembre y octubre en lugares y circunstancias diferentes. Miguel Ángel Villagómez Valle era editor y director del diario regional del Estado de Guerrero La Noticia. El cuerpo presentaba seis heridas de bala en la espalda y un tiro de gracia. De momento se ignora el móvil del crimen. Un familiar declaró que no se conocían amenazas previas al periodista. David García Monroy fue víctima de un ataque en el que murieron 10 personas más en un bar en el Estado de Chihuahua. Los asesinos entraron en el local identificados como agentes de la Agencia Federal de Investigación. El periodista era analista político en diversos medios. El pasado 23 de septiembre era asesinado Alejandro Xanón Fonseca, director del programa de radio, El Padrino, en Tabasco. Xanón militaba contra el crimen organizado. Estas muertes se suman a otras 41 y las ocho desapariciones contabilizadas desde 2000 por la Comisión Nacional de DD HH.
Tres periodistas han muerto en México en septiembre y octubre en lugares y circunstancias diferentes. Miguel Ángel Villagómez Valle era editor y director del diario regional del Estado de Guerrero La Noticia. El cuerpo presentaba seis heridas de bala en la espalda y un tiro de gracia. De momento se ignora el móvil del crimen. Un familiar declaró que no se conocían amenazas previas al periodista. David García Monroy fue víctima de un ataque en el que murieron 10 personas más en un bar en el Estado de Chihuahua. Los asesinos entraron en el local identificados como agentes de la Agencia Federal de Investigación. El periodista era analista político en diversos medios. El pasado 23 de septiembre era asesinado Alejandro Xanón Fonseca, director del programa de radio, El Padrino, en Tabasco. Xanón militaba contra el crimen organizado. Estas muertes se suman a otras 41 y las ocho desapariciones contabilizadas desde 2000 por la Comisión Nacional de DD HH.
Navajo, Hopi challenged to prove radiation danger
S.J. Wilson, The Observer
http://navajohopiobserver.com
Government not convinced radiation plume presents imminent threat
UPPER MOENKOPI, Ariz. - "We are following the law; I can't apologize for the last 10 years. You must convince me that there is an imminent threat."
Jack Reever, Director of Facilities, Environmental and Cultural Resources for the Bureau Indian Affairs (BIA), delivered that challenge during a recent visit to the Hopi village that included a tour of sacred springs, farmland and the Tuba City Open Dump.
Lieutenant Governor Robert Sumatzkuku of Upper Moenkopi and Harris Polelonoma, community service administrator for Lower Moencopi, welcomed Reever and other dignitaries to a meeting and tour of the area.
Polelonoma described a meeting with Reever in Washington on Sept. 24 that included Hubert Lewis, Governor of Upper Moenkopi) and Nat Nutongla (Director, Office of Water Resources for the Hopi Tribe).
In his report to Henry Waxman, Chairman of the Oversight Committee,
Reever included statements that data do not indicate a hydraulic connection between water supply sources and the Open Dump, and do not indicate an imminent threat to drinking water wells or springs. These are statements that Nutongla and others insist Reever had promised not to make.
"We were dismayed and unhappy with comments made at the Department of Interior level," Polelonoma said. "Our position has been to go for clean closure, and Mr. Reever has not heard that position.
Reever apologized several times throughout the day, stressing that he had made a mistake in presenting the information.
"We plan to show Mr. Reever Susungva Spring - the source of Lower Moencopi drinking water. We hope that Mr. Reever can carry the message back to Washington ... [and] hopefully this will give you a better idea of what we are faced with."
Louise Yellowman, Coconino County District 5 Supervisor for the past 27 years, has a long history of battling the Rare Metals and open dump sites.
"Uranium tailings have been out there for many years," Yellowman told Reever. "We thought we took care of everything, but now we have found that there are hidden areas [and] contamination underground. Basically, we are starting all over and it will take ... Navajo and Hopi [communities to fight together]."
Dave Taylor, who is with the Navajo Nation Department of Justice has spent the last three years working on uranium contamination issues. "It's very clear that the Navajo Nation position is concurrent with that of Hopi - for clean closure," he stated.
At Susungva Spring
Various residents of the area spent a half an hour giving Reever a lesson in cultural sensitivity at the sacred Susungva Spring.
Polelonoma spoke of the many uses of the springs, explaining that the Katsinam use the spring to return to the sacred San Francisco Peaks, that children use the site to play, and that the water is used for drinking and irrigation.
Sumatzuki explained that water and environmental protection is the responsibility of Hopi and Navajo people.
Another resident informed Reever that at one time he had helped to clean up the BIA yard in Tuba City.
"We loaded up trucks full of paint, lacquer, refrigerators, stoves. We spent a whole summer throwing in trash from the BIA. It wasn't regulated. There were all kinds of things there - dead dogs, dead horses, and dead cows. All the businesses dumped there, too, including the hospital. In cities, people ... take care of these kinds of problems. Here nothing is happening."
Lopez assured the group that the water at the spring is still safe - but she fears that this is temporary.
"Here, uranium is only two to three parts to a billion; that is background level. Other wells nearby have 300 parts to the billion. This water is the equivalent of holy water, of the sacraments. Considering the uranium contamination and the gas storage tanks [nearby], this water is miraculous.
"As a medicine man, I know of the importance of water quality in the collection and administration of medicine," Max Yellowhair Sr. said. "We know that these springs are protected by spirits, and we want to keep the quality of the water; spiritually, mentally and physically. The water must be pure. I worry about the flow of underground water - what if it hits a fast place? As a medicine person, if we use contaminated water to treat sick people, we may worsen their health.
"I hope that you will take us at our word," Goldtooth continued. "Do what is necessary, Mr. Reever. People here are ready to go dig up the materials themselves and move it."
The eye of the storm
Standing on top of the dump, which is considered to be "capped," one cannot help but notice the thick litter of broken glass, metal parts and other debris that indicates that the cap is made of materials taken from the dump itself. Numerous tests have proven that the site is contaminated with uranium and other materials such as arsenic and E.coli.
Nutongla pointed out that the Department of Energy used the site as a dump, bringing their waste to the landfill.
"There is any kind of waste imaginable 15 to 20 feet deep below us," Nutongla said, warming to the subject.
He was interrupted by Reever, who cautioned all present, including the press, that details regarding the research must be discounted.
Nutongla countered, asking Reever what research should be discounted.
"I don't want to participate in an argument," Reever said. "I have agreed to sponsor technical discussion of questions you've asked. The reason I am here is that we have as much interest as the rest of you to come up with the right answers. We have a difference of opinion on the scientific evidence. It will depend on the USGS (United States Geological Survey) scientific process.
"We were all surprised last September when the USGS said it could not release its information to the public," Reever continued. "The USGS can't release its information until January, and we want to make sure people can stand behind the results."
"You have mischaracterized this issue by stating that there is not a problem here," Nutongla said.
"I've withdrawn those statements, and apologized to the Navajo and Hopi people. I made a mistake. I apologized," said Reever
Later, Nutongla pointed out that an apology did not change the fact that Reever's report had been circulated in Washington.
Lillie Lane with the Navajo Nation's Environmental Protection Agency challenged Reever's statement regarding the USGS.
"You say you will rely on the USGS? They have switched their position on whether the uranium is naturally occurring or man-made several times," Lane pointed out.
"We are not relying solely on the USGS," Reever responded.
Nutongla said that there are already expert opinions in support that an imminent threat exists, including those by Miller (who has studied the site for 11 years), Bill Walker PhD, and Henry Haven, who all have come to the conclusion that the uranium is not naturally occurring.
John Krause (Bureau of Indian Affairs, Western Regional Office) explained the significant differences in data that need resolution.
"Some say that the plume travels 100 feet a year; some say it moves 10 feet a year. There are differences in opinions as to the level of contamination. We need some level of solidarity of technical aspects," said Krause.
"Whatever comes out of this study, we will live with this," Reeves said.
"We don't want to live with it anymore," Goldtooth said. "Do we tell the people here that they have to live with it?"
Lane attempted to put a human face to the problem.
"Cecil Begay and his wife have a well that they used for a long time, now Cecil's wife is on oxygen," Lane said. "By the mesa to the North, where that cottonwood is, an old lady used a well contaminated by uranium. This is why we are frustrated. People have seen dumping all through here."
Goldtooth added that his mother had lived near the Rare Metals UMTRA (Uranium Mill Tailings Remedial Action) site; and at the end of the day she would see the uranium trucks washed off here, and that water seeps down.
At the 1:30 public meeting, Reever expressed his appreciation to the Hopi and Navajo Nations for inviting him.
"I wanted to look for my own perspective," Reever said. "We are moving into final closure. We are all working towards a common goal. I understand the deep emotion here, and we all agree that this should have been settled years ago. I learned of this problem, I gave you money, and we are moving forward. My purpose is to guide studies forward. I am not a scientist, but I know how to get things done.
"We are done testing, and will continue to monitor the data - the data is the data - I will convene a scientific summit and we will spend the time it takes. I will fund this. We need to narrow the difference of opinion of depth and distance rate, and the scientific summit will lead to the correct decision. If they determine there is an imminent threat, we will ask for the money to take care of that immediate threat."
http://navajohopiobserver.com
Government not convinced radiation plume presents imminent threat
UPPER MOENKOPI, Ariz. - "We are following the law; I can't apologize for the last 10 years. You must convince me that there is an imminent threat."
Jack Reever, Director of Facilities, Environmental and Cultural Resources for the Bureau Indian Affairs (BIA), delivered that challenge during a recent visit to the Hopi village that included a tour of sacred springs, farmland and the Tuba City Open Dump.
Lieutenant Governor Robert Sumatzkuku of Upper Moenkopi and Harris Polelonoma, community service administrator for Lower Moencopi, welcomed Reever and other dignitaries to a meeting and tour of the area.
Polelonoma described a meeting with Reever in Washington on Sept. 24 that included Hubert Lewis, Governor of Upper Moenkopi) and Nat Nutongla (Director, Office of Water Resources for the Hopi Tribe).
In his report to Henry Waxman, Chairman of the Oversight Committee,
Reever included statements that data do not indicate a hydraulic connection between water supply sources and the Open Dump, and do not indicate an imminent threat to drinking water wells or springs. These are statements that Nutongla and others insist Reever had promised not to make.
"We were dismayed and unhappy with comments made at the Department of Interior level," Polelonoma said. "Our position has been to go for clean closure, and Mr. Reever has not heard that position.
Reever apologized several times throughout the day, stressing that he had made a mistake in presenting the information.
"We plan to show Mr. Reever Susungva Spring - the source of Lower Moencopi drinking water. We hope that Mr. Reever can carry the message back to Washington ... [and] hopefully this will give you a better idea of what we are faced with."
Louise Yellowman, Coconino County District 5 Supervisor for the past 27 years, has a long history of battling the Rare Metals and open dump sites.
"Uranium tailings have been out there for many years," Yellowman told Reever. "We thought we took care of everything, but now we have found that there are hidden areas [and] contamination underground. Basically, we are starting all over and it will take ... Navajo and Hopi [communities to fight together]."
Dave Taylor, who is with the Navajo Nation Department of Justice has spent the last three years working on uranium contamination issues. "It's very clear that the Navajo Nation position is concurrent with that of Hopi - for clean closure," he stated.
At Susungva Spring
Various residents of the area spent a half an hour giving Reever a lesson in cultural sensitivity at the sacred Susungva Spring.
Polelonoma spoke of the many uses of the springs, explaining that the Katsinam use the spring to return to the sacred San Francisco Peaks, that children use the site to play, and that the water is used for drinking and irrigation.
Sumatzuki explained that water and environmental protection is the responsibility of Hopi and Navajo people.
Another resident informed Reever that at one time he had helped to clean up the BIA yard in Tuba City.
"We loaded up trucks full of paint, lacquer, refrigerators, stoves. We spent a whole summer throwing in trash from the BIA. It wasn't regulated. There were all kinds of things there - dead dogs, dead horses, and dead cows. All the businesses dumped there, too, including the hospital. In cities, people ... take care of these kinds of problems. Here nothing is happening."
Lopez assured the group that the water at the spring is still safe - but she fears that this is temporary.
"Here, uranium is only two to three parts to a billion; that is background level. Other wells nearby have 300 parts to the billion. This water is the equivalent of holy water, of the sacraments. Considering the uranium contamination and the gas storage tanks [nearby], this water is miraculous.
"As a medicine man, I know of the importance of water quality in the collection and administration of medicine," Max Yellowhair Sr. said. "We know that these springs are protected by spirits, and we want to keep the quality of the water; spiritually, mentally and physically. The water must be pure. I worry about the flow of underground water - what if it hits a fast place? As a medicine person, if we use contaminated water to treat sick people, we may worsen their health.
"I hope that you will take us at our word," Goldtooth continued. "Do what is necessary, Mr. Reever. People here are ready to go dig up the materials themselves and move it."
The eye of the storm
Standing on top of the dump, which is considered to be "capped," one cannot help but notice the thick litter of broken glass, metal parts and other debris that indicates that the cap is made of materials taken from the dump itself. Numerous tests have proven that the site is contaminated with uranium and other materials such as arsenic and E.coli.
Nutongla pointed out that the Department of Energy used the site as a dump, bringing their waste to the landfill.
"There is any kind of waste imaginable 15 to 20 feet deep below us," Nutongla said, warming to the subject.
He was interrupted by Reever, who cautioned all present, including the press, that details regarding the research must be discounted.
Nutongla countered, asking Reever what research should be discounted.
"I don't want to participate in an argument," Reever said. "I have agreed to sponsor technical discussion of questions you've asked. The reason I am here is that we have as much interest as the rest of you to come up with the right answers. We have a difference of opinion on the scientific evidence. It will depend on the USGS (United States Geological Survey) scientific process.
"We were all surprised last September when the USGS said it could not release its information to the public," Reever continued. "The USGS can't release its information until January, and we want to make sure people can stand behind the results."
"You have mischaracterized this issue by stating that there is not a problem here," Nutongla said.
"I've withdrawn those statements, and apologized to the Navajo and Hopi people. I made a mistake. I apologized," said Reever
Later, Nutongla pointed out that an apology did not change the fact that Reever's report had been circulated in Washington.
Lillie Lane with the Navajo Nation's Environmental Protection Agency challenged Reever's statement regarding the USGS.
"You say you will rely on the USGS? They have switched their position on whether the uranium is naturally occurring or man-made several times," Lane pointed out.
"We are not relying solely on the USGS," Reever responded.
Nutongla said that there are already expert opinions in support that an imminent threat exists, including those by Miller (who has studied the site for 11 years), Bill Walker PhD, and Henry Haven, who all have come to the conclusion that the uranium is not naturally occurring.
John Krause (Bureau of Indian Affairs, Western Regional Office) explained the significant differences in data that need resolution.
"Some say that the plume travels 100 feet a year; some say it moves 10 feet a year. There are differences in opinions as to the level of contamination. We need some level of solidarity of technical aspects," said Krause.
"Whatever comes out of this study, we will live with this," Reeves said.
"We don't want to live with it anymore," Goldtooth said. "Do we tell the people here that they have to live with it?"
Lane attempted to put a human face to the problem.
"Cecil Begay and his wife have a well that they used for a long time, now Cecil's wife is on oxygen," Lane said. "By the mesa to the North, where that cottonwood is, an old lady used a well contaminated by uranium. This is why we are frustrated. People have seen dumping all through here."
Goldtooth added that his mother had lived near the Rare Metals UMTRA (Uranium Mill Tailings Remedial Action) site; and at the end of the day she would see the uranium trucks washed off here, and that water seeps down.
At the 1:30 public meeting, Reever expressed his appreciation to the Hopi and Navajo Nations for inviting him.
"I wanted to look for my own perspective," Reever said. "We are moving into final closure. We are all working towards a common goal. I understand the deep emotion here, and we all agree that this should have been settled years ago. I learned of this problem, I gave you money, and we are moving forward. My purpose is to guide studies forward. I am not a scientist, but I know how to get things done.
"We are done testing, and will continue to monitor the data - the data is the data - I will convene a scientific summit and we will spend the time it takes. I will fund this. We need to narrow the difference of opinion of depth and distance rate, and the scientific summit will lead to the correct decision. If they determine there is an imminent threat, we will ask for the money to take care of that immediate threat."
11/10/08
Japón duda de la versión oficial del 11/9 y no quiere más guerra
Las 25 noticias más censuradas en 2007-2008
Benjamin Fulford
Rense.com and Rock Creek Free Press
En enero de 2008 hubo un debate en el Parlamento japonés que desafió las premisas y la validez de la guerra global al terrorismo, con difusión en vivo por TV abierta. El parlamentario Yukihisa Fujita insistió en la necesidad de una investigación conducida en el origen de la guerra: los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre.
En una sesión del Comité de Defensa y Asuntos Extranjeros del Parlamento llevada a cabo para discutir la ética de la renovación de la Ley Anti-Terrorismo que faculta al gobierno de Japón para proporcionar apoyo logístico a las fuerzas de la coalición que operan en Afganistán, Fujita abrió la sesión indicando: "Quisiera hablar del origen de esta guerra al terrorismo, qué fueron los ataques del 11 de septiembre... Al discutir estas leyes contra-terror debemos preguntarnos ¿qué fue el 11 de septiembre? y ¿qué es el terrorismo?"
Fujita precisó: "Hasta ahora la única cosa que ha dicho el gobierno es que pensamos que fue causado por Al Qaeda porque el presidente Bush nos dijo eso. No hemos visto ninguna prueba verdadera que fue Al Qaeda". Le recordó al Parlamento que el 11 de septiembre mataron a veinticuatro ciudadanos japoneses y nunca hubo mandato para una investigación criminal del gobierno japonés. "Tan seguro es que esto fue un crimen que necesita realizarse una investigación", dijo Fujita. (Proyecto Censurado 2008 # 16). Fujita se explayó incisivamente "acerca de la información sospechosa que una vez destapada por todo el mundo ha recrudecido las dudas que existen sobre los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre".
El Parlamento japonés vio varias diapositivas del Pentágono y de sitios del Centro Mundial de Comercio (WTC, en inglés), mientras Fujita explicaba cada una. Las diapositivas mostraron evidencia contraria a la explicación oficial: Los daños en y alrededor del Pentágono no fueron consistentes con los daños que podría causar un avión 757. "También Fujita destacó: "Allí en el Pentágono habían más de ochenta cámaras fotográficas de seguridad pero los funcionarios han rehusado dar a conocer sus registros. En cualquier caso, como usted acaba de ver, no hay fotografías del avión ni de sus restos en ninguna de estas fotografías. Es muy extraño que no se nos hayan mostrado tales fotografías".
Un funcionario de la fuerza aérea de EEUU corroboró el hecho de que el avión ejecutó una vuelta en “U” y evitó la oficina de la secretaría de Defensa, maniobra que sería una hazaña imposible para un inexperto piloto novel; y no hubo ninguna defensa aérea en el intervalo de noventa minutos entre el impacto inicial de los aviones en el WTC y el Pentágono. Fujita agregó: "Es desconcertante que no se encontrara ningún registro del vuelo en ninguno de los cuatro sitios". En tierra, en los sitios del WTC, fueron verificados los sonidos y la evidencia visual de las explosiones. El hallazgo de restos del avión en vuelo lanzados hasta 150 metros de distancia es consistente con el estallido de los edificios.
Durante las operaciones de rescate, un bombero de Nueva York confirmó que hubo una serie de explosiones semejantes a una demolición profesional y un sobreviviente japonés oyó explosiones mientras huía del sitio. El Edificio Nº 7 del Centro Mundial de Comercio (WTC 7) (WTC 7), era un bloque de 47 pisos de altura localizado lejos, no lo atacó ningún avión y tenía daños mínimos de fuego, pero cayó derrumbado sin dejar huellas en cinco o seis segundos, siete horas después que fueran atacados los edificios principales del WTC. No sólo la Comisión del 11 de septiembre no menciona al WTC 7, sino que las agencias estadounidenses FEMA [Agencia Federal de Manejo de Emergencias] y NIST [Instituto Nacional de Estándares y Tecnología] tampoco hicieron ninguna mención en sus informes.
Fujita informó que al interior del mercado de valores, entre el 6 y el 8 de septiembre, los inversionistas ejecutaron opciones de venta a precio fijo de acciones de United y American Airlines. El especialista financiero Keiichiro Asao testimonió confirmando que una transacción tan compleja sería el trabajo de iniciados más bien que de Al Qaeda.
Fujita se dirigió entonces al Primer Ministro Fukuda: "Quisiera saber por qué el Primer Ministro piensa que el Talibán fue responsable del 11 de septiembre". Y continuó: "Necesitamos ir de nuevo al principio y no creer, simple y confiadamente, en la explicación del gobierno de EEUU y en la información indirecta proporcionadas por ellos... Necesitamos observar esta evidencia y preguntarnos nosotros mismos cuál es realmente la guerra al terrorismo... Necesitamos preguntar quiénes son las víctimas reales de esta guerra al terrorismo. Pienso que sus víctimas son los ciudadanos del mundo".
"Primer Ministro" –continuó Fujita– "¿Cuál fue el origen de la guerra al terrorismo y de la idea si fue correcto o incorrecto participar en ella? Realmente, ¿existe alguna razón para participar en esta guerra al terrorismo?"
Fujita recibió apoyo para concluir que necesita ser investigada y ser analizada la razón que llevó [a Japón] a participar en la guerra de EEUU al terrorismo. La oposición bloqueó la extensión de la ley de Japón contra el terrorismo y los colegas reconocieron el valor de Fujita con llamadas telefónicas congratulatorias.
Sin embargo, esto acabó a mediados de enero, después de meses de discusiones parlamentarias. Con la oposición de por lo menos el 50 por ciento del público japonés, Fukuda puso en el Parlamento la renovación de la ley contra el terrorismo. Después que la cuenta fuera votada en contra por la oposición en sesión plenaria de la Cámara Alta del Parlamento el 12 de enero, el gobierno la resometió más adelante, en el mismo día, a la Cámara Baja, donde el partido conservador predominante tiene mayoría, y convirtió la propuesta en una ley. Así, volcaron un veto a la Cámara Alta.
Esta es la primera vez en medio siglo que un gobierno japonés ha recurrido a tales tácticas, juzgada como una medida drástica por los estándares japoneses. (1)
De acuerdo con Christopher W. Hughes, profesor de Estudios Políticos Internacionales en la Universidad de Warwick, el "gobierno de Fukuda estuvo bajo mucha presión de EEUU para re desplegar las naves y si siempre tuvo él mismo algún nivel de duda acerca de la importancia de la misión en términos militares y sobre la guerra entera de EEUU contra el terrorismo, percibió que aprobar la cuenta sería muy importante para las relaciones de EEUU-Japón. También presionó sobre el Primer Ministro una reunión personal con Bush, presidente de EEUU. (1)
Actualización de Benjamín Fulford
Si usted todavía cree que los medios corporativos en lengua inglesa son libres, eche una mirada detrás de la escena en el Club de Corresponsales Extranjeros de Japón (FCCJ, en inglés) y piénselo de nuevo.
Por más de dos décadas fui miembro de ese club pero no tenía ninguna pista sobre lo que realmente representaba hasta que intenté efectuar una rueda de prensa acerca del 11 de septiembre. En ese punto comenzaron a ocurrir toda clase de cosas repugnantes y repentinamente asumí que el lugar se parecía más a una jerarquía de espías que a un club de periodistas. Por ejemplo, no supe que había gente tratando de hacerme despedir del club, los e- mails desaparecían desde mi cuenta Internet antes de que consiguiera leerlos y la gente comenzó a murmurar que estaba mal de la cabeza.
La lista de insultos para presionar la libertad de prensa en el club desde la conferencia inicial es demasiado larga para escribirla detalladamente aquí, así que citaremos simplemente el ejemplo más reciente. Yukihisa Fujita, miembro del Parlamento por el partido Democrático, de la oposición, en un debate parlamentario transmitido a toda la nación por NHK, le preguntó al Primer Ministro Yasuo Fukuda sobre muchas de discrepancias que se encontraron en la explicación oficial del gobierno de EEUU sobre qué sucedió el 11 de septiembre.
Un miembro del Parlamento en Japón, aliado de EEUU, mostró evidencia de gran alcance, a través de la TV nacional, de que el gobierno de EEUU asesinó a 3.000 de sus propios ciudadanos, así como a gente de Japón y de muchas otras naciones. Sugerí que lo llamáramos para una rueda de prensa y aceptaron nueve periodistas activos, que representan a una audiencia potencial de millones. Generalmente, si votan sólo tres o más periodistas activos es suficiente para garantizar un evento como ése. A pesar de esto, vetó la conferencia James Sims, del Wall Street Journal, cabeza del Comité de Actividades Profesionales, confederado con Martín Williams, el presidente de la FCCJ, aunque se trataba de un acontecimiento que no cubren por su condición de periodistas técnicos. El veto fue una violación del Artículo 3 de los estatutos que rigen al club e invocan la libertad de prensa. No solamente eso, sino que llevaron adelante una tentativa evidente para dejarme fuera del PAC.
Desde entonces Fujita ha sido invitado a que hable en el Parlamento de la Unión Europea y en muchos otros lugares. Fujita ha ofrecido la ocasión de hacer más preguntas en el Parlamento y en muchos medios de noticias japoneses han informado sobre sus actividades. Los libros acerca del 11 de septiembre también están vendiéndose bien en Japón. Un grupo cada vez mayor de políticos japoneses ha sido enterado de qué sucedió realmente ese día. El gobierno japonés en sí mismo sabe la verdad y esto comienza realmente a afectar la alianza EEUU/Japón de manera fundamental. Las respuestas formales del gobierno japonés a las preguntas de Fujita demuestran que está cobrando cada vez más fuerza la sospecha de que el gobierno de EEUU asesinó a más de veinte ciudadanos japoneses. A largo plazo, podría haber enormes repercusiones para la seguridad de EEUU.
Cita:
1) Axel Berkofsky, “Japan: The Deployment Dilemma,” International Relations and Security Network, January 24, 2008
Fuente:
Rense.com and Rock Creek Free Press, January 14, 2008
Título: “Transcript Of Japanese Parliament's 911 Testimony”
Autor: Benjamin Fulford
Estudiantes investigadores: Kyle Corcoran, Alan Scher, Bill Gibbons y Elizabeth Rathbun
Evaluador académico: Mickey Huff, M.A.
Título original: Japan Questions 11 de setiembre and the Global War on Terror
Traducción: Ernesto Carmona (especial para ARGENPRESS.info)
Benjamin Fulford
Rense.com and Rock Creek Free Press
En enero de 2008 hubo un debate en el Parlamento japonés que desafió las premisas y la validez de la guerra global al terrorismo, con difusión en vivo por TV abierta. El parlamentario Yukihisa Fujita insistió en la necesidad de una investigación conducida en el origen de la guerra: los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre.
En una sesión del Comité de Defensa y Asuntos Extranjeros del Parlamento llevada a cabo para discutir la ética de la renovación de la Ley Anti-Terrorismo que faculta al gobierno de Japón para proporcionar apoyo logístico a las fuerzas de la coalición que operan en Afganistán, Fujita abrió la sesión indicando: "Quisiera hablar del origen de esta guerra al terrorismo, qué fueron los ataques del 11 de septiembre... Al discutir estas leyes contra-terror debemos preguntarnos ¿qué fue el 11 de septiembre? y ¿qué es el terrorismo?"
Fujita precisó: "Hasta ahora la única cosa que ha dicho el gobierno es que pensamos que fue causado por Al Qaeda porque el presidente Bush nos dijo eso. No hemos visto ninguna prueba verdadera que fue Al Qaeda". Le recordó al Parlamento que el 11 de septiembre mataron a veinticuatro ciudadanos japoneses y nunca hubo mandato para una investigación criminal del gobierno japonés. "Tan seguro es que esto fue un crimen que necesita realizarse una investigación", dijo Fujita. (Proyecto Censurado 2008 # 16). Fujita se explayó incisivamente "acerca de la información sospechosa que una vez destapada por todo el mundo ha recrudecido las dudas que existen sobre los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre".
El Parlamento japonés vio varias diapositivas del Pentágono y de sitios del Centro Mundial de Comercio (WTC, en inglés), mientras Fujita explicaba cada una. Las diapositivas mostraron evidencia contraria a la explicación oficial: Los daños en y alrededor del Pentágono no fueron consistentes con los daños que podría causar un avión 757. "También Fujita destacó: "Allí en el Pentágono habían más de ochenta cámaras fotográficas de seguridad pero los funcionarios han rehusado dar a conocer sus registros. En cualquier caso, como usted acaba de ver, no hay fotografías del avión ni de sus restos en ninguna de estas fotografías. Es muy extraño que no se nos hayan mostrado tales fotografías".
Un funcionario de la fuerza aérea de EEUU corroboró el hecho de que el avión ejecutó una vuelta en “U” y evitó la oficina de la secretaría de Defensa, maniobra que sería una hazaña imposible para un inexperto piloto novel; y no hubo ninguna defensa aérea en el intervalo de noventa minutos entre el impacto inicial de los aviones en el WTC y el Pentágono. Fujita agregó: "Es desconcertante que no se encontrara ningún registro del vuelo en ninguno de los cuatro sitios". En tierra, en los sitios del WTC, fueron verificados los sonidos y la evidencia visual de las explosiones. El hallazgo de restos del avión en vuelo lanzados hasta 150 metros de distancia es consistente con el estallido de los edificios.
Durante las operaciones de rescate, un bombero de Nueva York confirmó que hubo una serie de explosiones semejantes a una demolición profesional y un sobreviviente japonés oyó explosiones mientras huía del sitio. El Edificio Nº 7 del Centro Mundial de Comercio (WTC 7) (WTC 7), era un bloque de 47 pisos de altura localizado lejos, no lo atacó ningún avión y tenía daños mínimos de fuego, pero cayó derrumbado sin dejar huellas en cinco o seis segundos, siete horas después que fueran atacados los edificios principales del WTC. No sólo la Comisión del 11 de septiembre no menciona al WTC 7, sino que las agencias estadounidenses FEMA [Agencia Federal de Manejo de Emergencias] y NIST [Instituto Nacional de Estándares y Tecnología] tampoco hicieron ninguna mención en sus informes.
Fujita informó que al interior del mercado de valores, entre el 6 y el 8 de septiembre, los inversionistas ejecutaron opciones de venta a precio fijo de acciones de United y American Airlines. El especialista financiero Keiichiro Asao testimonió confirmando que una transacción tan compleja sería el trabajo de iniciados más bien que de Al Qaeda.
Fujita se dirigió entonces al Primer Ministro Fukuda: "Quisiera saber por qué el Primer Ministro piensa que el Talibán fue responsable del 11 de septiembre". Y continuó: "Necesitamos ir de nuevo al principio y no creer, simple y confiadamente, en la explicación del gobierno de EEUU y en la información indirecta proporcionadas por ellos... Necesitamos observar esta evidencia y preguntarnos nosotros mismos cuál es realmente la guerra al terrorismo... Necesitamos preguntar quiénes son las víctimas reales de esta guerra al terrorismo. Pienso que sus víctimas son los ciudadanos del mundo".
"Primer Ministro" –continuó Fujita– "¿Cuál fue el origen de la guerra al terrorismo y de la idea si fue correcto o incorrecto participar en ella? Realmente, ¿existe alguna razón para participar en esta guerra al terrorismo?"
Fujita recibió apoyo para concluir que necesita ser investigada y ser analizada la razón que llevó [a Japón] a participar en la guerra de EEUU al terrorismo. La oposición bloqueó la extensión de la ley de Japón contra el terrorismo y los colegas reconocieron el valor de Fujita con llamadas telefónicas congratulatorias.
Sin embargo, esto acabó a mediados de enero, después de meses de discusiones parlamentarias. Con la oposición de por lo menos el 50 por ciento del público japonés, Fukuda puso en el Parlamento la renovación de la ley contra el terrorismo. Después que la cuenta fuera votada en contra por la oposición en sesión plenaria de la Cámara Alta del Parlamento el 12 de enero, el gobierno la resometió más adelante, en el mismo día, a la Cámara Baja, donde el partido conservador predominante tiene mayoría, y convirtió la propuesta en una ley. Así, volcaron un veto a la Cámara Alta.
Esta es la primera vez en medio siglo que un gobierno japonés ha recurrido a tales tácticas, juzgada como una medida drástica por los estándares japoneses. (1)
De acuerdo con Christopher W. Hughes, profesor de Estudios Políticos Internacionales en la Universidad de Warwick, el "gobierno de Fukuda estuvo bajo mucha presión de EEUU para re desplegar las naves y si siempre tuvo él mismo algún nivel de duda acerca de la importancia de la misión en términos militares y sobre la guerra entera de EEUU contra el terrorismo, percibió que aprobar la cuenta sería muy importante para las relaciones de EEUU-Japón. También presionó sobre el Primer Ministro una reunión personal con Bush, presidente de EEUU. (1)
Actualización de Benjamín Fulford
Si usted todavía cree que los medios corporativos en lengua inglesa son libres, eche una mirada detrás de la escena en el Club de Corresponsales Extranjeros de Japón (FCCJ, en inglés) y piénselo de nuevo.
Por más de dos décadas fui miembro de ese club pero no tenía ninguna pista sobre lo que realmente representaba hasta que intenté efectuar una rueda de prensa acerca del 11 de septiembre. En ese punto comenzaron a ocurrir toda clase de cosas repugnantes y repentinamente asumí que el lugar se parecía más a una jerarquía de espías que a un club de periodistas. Por ejemplo, no supe que había gente tratando de hacerme despedir del club, los e- mails desaparecían desde mi cuenta Internet antes de que consiguiera leerlos y la gente comenzó a murmurar que estaba mal de la cabeza.
La lista de insultos para presionar la libertad de prensa en el club desde la conferencia inicial es demasiado larga para escribirla detalladamente aquí, así que citaremos simplemente el ejemplo más reciente. Yukihisa Fujita, miembro del Parlamento por el partido Democrático, de la oposición, en un debate parlamentario transmitido a toda la nación por NHK, le preguntó al Primer Ministro Yasuo Fukuda sobre muchas de discrepancias que se encontraron en la explicación oficial del gobierno de EEUU sobre qué sucedió el 11 de septiembre.
Un miembro del Parlamento en Japón, aliado de EEUU, mostró evidencia de gran alcance, a través de la TV nacional, de que el gobierno de EEUU asesinó a 3.000 de sus propios ciudadanos, así como a gente de Japón y de muchas otras naciones. Sugerí que lo llamáramos para una rueda de prensa y aceptaron nueve periodistas activos, que representan a una audiencia potencial de millones. Generalmente, si votan sólo tres o más periodistas activos es suficiente para garantizar un evento como ése. A pesar de esto, vetó la conferencia James Sims, del Wall Street Journal, cabeza del Comité de Actividades Profesionales, confederado con Martín Williams, el presidente de la FCCJ, aunque se trataba de un acontecimiento que no cubren por su condición de periodistas técnicos. El veto fue una violación del Artículo 3 de los estatutos que rigen al club e invocan la libertad de prensa. No solamente eso, sino que llevaron adelante una tentativa evidente para dejarme fuera del PAC.
Desde entonces Fujita ha sido invitado a que hable en el Parlamento de la Unión Europea y en muchos otros lugares. Fujita ha ofrecido la ocasión de hacer más preguntas en el Parlamento y en muchos medios de noticias japoneses han informado sobre sus actividades. Los libros acerca del 11 de septiembre también están vendiéndose bien en Japón. Un grupo cada vez mayor de políticos japoneses ha sido enterado de qué sucedió realmente ese día. El gobierno japonés en sí mismo sabe la verdad y esto comienza realmente a afectar la alianza EEUU/Japón de manera fundamental. Las respuestas formales del gobierno japonés a las preguntas de Fujita demuestran que está cobrando cada vez más fuerza la sospecha de que el gobierno de EEUU asesinó a más de veinte ciudadanos japoneses. A largo plazo, podría haber enormes repercusiones para la seguridad de EEUU.
Cita:
1) Axel Berkofsky, “Japan: The Deployment Dilemma,” International Relations and Security Network, January 24, 2008
Fuente:
Rense.com and Rock Creek Free Press, January 14, 2008
Título: “Transcript Of Japanese Parliament's 911 Testimony”
Autor: Benjamin Fulford
Estudiantes investigadores: Kyle Corcoran, Alan Scher, Bill Gibbons y Elizabeth Rathbun
Evaluador académico: Mickey Huff, M.A.
Título original: Japan Questions 11 de setiembre and the Global War on Terror
Traducción: Ernesto Carmona (especial para ARGENPRESS.info)
Morales and hundreds of tribal leaders in historic Alaska meeting
By Gale Courey Toensing
http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/global/latin/27907764.html
Story Published: Sep 5, 2008
Story Updated: Sep 10, 2008
ANCHORAGE, Alaska – Hundreds of tribal leaders will travel to Alaska later this month for a historic meeting with Bolivian President Evo Morales.
Morales, Bolivia’s first fully indigenous head of state, was elected in 2006. This will be his first trip to Alaska.
The event will be hosted by the Alaska Inter-Tribal Council (AI-TC), with organizational help from the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) and the National Tribal Environmental Council (NTEC).
Morales will be visiting Alaska at the invitation of the AI-TC, said AI-TC Chairman Mike Williams.
“We have invited President Morales to come up here to meet with the Alaska tribes. The tribes requested that this past summer and he said yes.”
Details and logistics of the visit have not been worked out yet, but the visit will take place on Sept. 20.
The visit will be another step in a global trend among indigenous peoples everywhere to forge unity and solidarity in their continuous efforts to protect their inherent sovereignty and their human and civil rights. Such efforts have accelerated since the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on Sept. 13, 2007.
Morales’ visit will enhance his knowledge about Native issues in the U.S. and highlight indigenous issues internationally, Williams said.
“We have scheduled a private meeting with tribal leaders from all over the country and we have public events scheduled, including the signing of a declaration. There are issues that we’ve been dealing with for a long time in the areas of climate change, economic development, health, education, environmental issues, language and cultural preservation, and many other issues that affect us every day in our villages and our homes throughout the nation,” Williams said.
The Alaska Inter-Tribal Council is a statewide, tribally-governed non-profit organization that advocates in support of Alaska’s 229 tribal governments throughout the state.
All of Alaska’s tribal governments have been invited to attend the meeting with Morales, as well as all the inter-tribal leaders from the northwest tribes, the Arizona Inter-Tribal Council, leadership from the NCAI, NTEC, the United Southern and Eastern Tribes, and other tribal leaders.
One of the most pressing issues facing Alaska Natives and other indigenous peoples is development, Williams said.
“The multinational corporations want to drill in the outer continental shelf in the north and other areas that are of vital interest to the Alaska Native people. We really depend upon the sea and the ocean for our sustenance with marine mammals and the bullhead whale and other species that our people depend on to survive every day, and the thought of a disaster, God forbid, when the ice is running. ... Cleaning up in the Arctic is next to impossible, or impossible.”
But the problem of development is not unique to Alaska’s indigenous communities, Williams noted.
“Throughout the world mining and industrial development is occurring and it has been a subject of discussion in our Native communities and it has had a detrimental effect on our way of life and that has been the story told over and over by indigenous peoples about those companies leaving toxic waste and pollution. Very little benefit goes to the people after promises of prosperity, but we are trying to address a lot of those issues,” he said.
Another major issue facing indigenous communities is the dwindling supply of clean water as pollution spreads and sources of clean water become increasingly commodified throughout the world.
“Water is the key to our survival.”
There is a great deal of admiration for Morales, Williams said.
“I have admired President Morales work in Bolivia because he is indigenous and he’s the president of a country right now and he is an inspiration to all of us in how he succeeded in making changes and reversing the trends for the best interests of our indigenous peoples,” Williams said.
On Nov. 7, 2007, less than two months after the UN adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous peoples, Bolivia became the first country in the world to adopt the declaration as law when Morales announced the passage of National Law 3760, or the Rights of Indigenous peoples, legislation that is an exact copy of the UN declaration.
The UN declaration affirms Native peoples’ right to preserve their respective political, social, economic, juridical and cultural institutions. It also assures their rights to full participation in the political, cultural, economic and social spheres of their countries, and recognizes their rights to self-determination.
Williams said that the declaration provides “a base, finally,” for indigenous peoples to begin to address their common issues including the loss of lands and resources on an international level.
“I want my brothers and sisters down in Indian country to know since we’ve dealt with the same issues for many years that it’s time to work on these issues collectively,” Williams said.
The event marks not only Morales’ first visit to Alaska, but also the first time so many tribal leaders from the lower 48 states will visit.
“It’s going to be an exciting time. This is a once in a life time opportunity and a historic event in Alaska and I hope to work with the rest of the tribal leaders from throughout the nation to continue to work on the issues that the Native American Rights Fund has battled in courts. We have battled for our existence. It’s a continuous battle and it’s been going on for 500 years. So we have a lot of issues to work on and I think this event is going to make a really huge impact,” Williams said.
http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/global/latin/27907764.html
Story Published: Sep 5, 2008
Story Updated: Sep 10, 2008
ANCHORAGE, Alaska – Hundreds of tribal leaders will travel to Alaska later this month for a historic meeting with Bolivian President Evo Morales.
Morales, Bolivia’s first fully indigenous head of state, was elected in 2006. This will be his first trip to Alaska.
The event will be hosted by the Alaska Inter-Tribal Council (AI-TC), with organizational help from the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) and the National Tribal Environmental Council (NTEC).
Morales will be visiting Alaska at the invitation of the AI-TC, said AI-TC Chairman Mike Williams.
“We have invited President Morales to come up here to meet with the Alaska tribes. The tribes requested that this past summer and he said yes.”
Details and logistics of the visit have not been worked out yet, but the visit will take place on Sept. 20.
The visit will be another step in a global trend among indigenous peoples everywhere to forge unity and solidarity in their continuous efforts to protect their inherent sovereignty and their human and civil rights. Such efforts have accelerated since the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on Sept. 13, 2007.
Morales’ visit will enhance his knowledge about Native issues in the U.S. and highlight indigenous issues internationally, Williams said.
“We have scheduled a private meeting with tribal leaders from all over the country and we have public events scheduled, including the signing of a declaration. There are issues that we’ve been dealing with for a long time in the areas of climate change, economic development, health, education, environmental issues, language and cultural preservation, and many other issues that affect us every day in our villages and our homes throughout the nation,” Williams said.
The Alaska Inter-Tribal Council is a statewide, tribally-governed non-profit organization that advocates in support of Alaska’s 229 tribal governments throughout the state.
All of Alaska’s tribal governments have been invited to attend the meeting with Morales, as well as all the inter-tribal leaders from the northwest tribes, the Arizona Inter-Tribal Council, leadership from the NCAI, NTEC, the United Southern and Eastern Tribes, and other tribal leaders.
One of the most pressing issues facing Alaska Natives and other indigenous peoples is development, Williams said.
“The multinational corporations want to drill in the outer continental shelf in the north and other areas that are of vital interest to the Alaska Native people. We really depend upon the sea and the ocean for our sustenance with marine mammals and the bullhead whale and other species that our people depend on to survive every day, and the thought of a disaster, God forbid, when the ice is running. ... Cleaning up in the Arctic is next to impossible, or impossible.”
But the problem of development is not unique to Alaska’s indigenous communities, Williams noted.
“Throughout the world mining and industrial development is occurring and it has been a subject of discussion in our Native communities and it has had a detrimental effect on our way of life and that has been the story told over and over by indigenous peoples about those companies leaving toxic waste and pollution. Very little benefit goes to the people after promises of prosperity, but we are trying to address a lot of those issues,” he said.
Another major issue facing indigenous communities is the dwindling supply of clean water as pollution spreads and sources of clean water become increasingly commodified throughout the world.
“Water is the key to our survival.”
There is a great deal of admiration for Morales, Williams said.
“I have admired President Morales work in Bolivia because he is indigenous and he’s the president of a country right now and he is an inspiration to all of us in how he succeeded in making changes and reversing the trends for the best interests of our indigenous peoples,” Williams said.
On Nov. 7, 2007, less than two months after the UN adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous peoples, Bolivia became the first country in the world to adopt the declaration as law when Morales announced the passage of National Law 3760, or the Rights of Indigenous peoples, legislation that is an exact copy of the UN declaration.
The UN declaration affirms Native peoples’ right to preserve their respective political, social, economic, juridical and cultural institutions. It also assures their rights to full participation in the political, cultural, economic and social spheres of their countries, and recognizes their rights to self-determination.
Williams said that the declaration provides “a base, finally,” for indigenous peoples to begin to address their common issues including the loss of lands and resources on an international level.
“I want my brothers and sisters down in Indian country to know since we’ve dealt with the same issues for many years that it’s time to work on these issues collectively,” Williams said.
The event marks not only Morales’ first visit to Alaska, but also the first time so many tribal leaders from the lower 48 states will visit.
“It’s going to be an exciting time. This is a once in a life time opportunity and a historic event in Alaska and I hope to work with the rest of the tribal leaders from throughout the nation to continue to work on the issues that the Native American Rights Fund has battled in courts. We have battled for our existence. It’s a continuous battle and it’s been going on for 500 years. So we have a lot of issues to work on and I think this event is going to make a really huge impact,” Williams said.
Colonos judíos apedrean en Hebrón a un niño palestino de apenas seis años de edad
La Jornada
Hebrón, 8 de noviembre. Un grupo de colonos judíos golpeó cerca de la ciudad de Hebrón, en Cisjordania, a un niño palestino de apenas seis años de edad, quien tuvo que ser hospitalizado con heridas de mediana gravedad en la cabeza, informaron fuentes médicas locales.
El menor Bilal Daana fue atacado con piedras por varios colonos cerca del asentamiento de Kiryat Arba. De ahí, el ejército israelí lo trasladó a un punto de control en las inmediaciones de Hebrón, desde donde fue llevado a un hospital de dicha ciudad.
Este incidente se suma a otras agresiones que han cometido los colonos judíos contra pobladores palestinos, pacifistas extranjeros e inclusive soldados israelíes, desde que el pasado 29 de octubre el ejército de Tel Aviv desmantelara un asentamiento irregular, lo cual fue interpretado por grupos judíos radicales como una provocación.
El antecedente inmediato de esta escalada de violencia ocurrió el pasado 3 de noviembre, cuando varios colonos judíos –dirigidos por el activista de derecha Baruch Marzel– quemaron y pisotearon una bandera palestina en Hebrón frente a un grupo de palestinos, a quienes amenazaron con “hacerles la vida insoportable.”
Además, en semanas recientes los colonos judíos de esta zona han agredido a fotógrafos y soldados israelíes, trataron de frustrar la cosecha de aceitunas de los aldeanos palestinos y profanaron un cementerio musulmán, actos que fueron condenados enérgicamente por la Unión Europea por su “violencia y brutalidad”.
En este contexto, el gobierno egipcio canceló el encuentro de reconciliación entre facciones palestinas, que se llevaría a cabo próximamente en El Cairo, luego de que los delegados de Hamas consideraran “inútil” dialogar con el presidente palestino Mahmud Abbas, del partido Fatah.
Hamas, grupo que en junio de 2007 le arrebató el control de la franja de Gaza a la Autoridad Nacional Palestina, decidió sabotear la cita –lo cual también hizo la organización Jihad Islámica– tras alegar que las fuerzas de seguridad de Abbas continúan arrestando a cientos de sus militantes en varios puntos de Cisjordania.
La reunión iba a llevarse a cabo cuando terminara este domingo, en la ciudad turística egipcia de Sharm el Sheij, la conferencia cumbre del llamado Cuarteto para Medio Oriente, el grupo integrado por Estados Unidos, Rusia, la Unión Europea y Naciones Unidas, que elabora un plan de paz para la región.
En otro orden, tropas israelíes se enfrentaron con palestinos armados en la franja de Gaza, en el segundo incidente de este tipo en menos de una semana, sin que al cierre de esta edición se supiera la cifra de muertos y heridos.
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2008/11/09/index.php?section=mundo&article=029n1mun
Hebrón, 8 de noviembre. Un grupo de colonos judíos golpeó cerca de la ciudad de Hebrón, en Cisjordania, a un niño palestino de apenas seis años de edad, quien tuvo que ser hospitalizado con heridas de mediana gravedad en la cabeza, informaron fuentes médicas locales.
El menor Bilal Daana fue atacado con piedras por varios colonos cerca del asentamiento de Kiryat Arba. De ahí, el ejército israelí lo trasladó a un punto de control en las inmediaciones de Hebrón, desde donde fue llevado a un hospital de dicha ciudad.
Este incidente se suma a otras agresiones que han cometido los colonos judíos contra pobladores palestinos, pacifistas extranjeros e inclusive soldados israelíes, desde que el pasado 29 de octubre el ejército de Tel Aviv desmantelara un asentamiento irregular, lo cual fue interpretado por grupos judíos radicales como una provocación.
El antecedente inmediato de esta escalada de violencia ocurrió el pasado 3 de noviembre, cuando varios colonos judíos –dirigidos por el activista de derecha Baruch Marzel– quemaron y pisotearon una bandera palestina en Hebrón frente a un grupo de palestinos, a quienes amenazaron con “hacerles la vida insoportable.”
Además, en semanas recientes los colonos judíos de esta zona han agredido a fotógrafos y soldados israelíes, trataron de frustrar la cosecha de aceitunas de los aldeanos palestinos y profanaron un cementerio musulmán, actos que fueron condenados enérgicamente por la Unión Europea por su “violencia y brutalidad”.
En este contexto, el gobierno egipcio canceló el encuentro de reconciliación entre facciones palestinas, que se llevaría a cabo próximamente en El Cairo, luego de que los delegados de Hamas consideraran “inútil” dialogar con el presidente palestino Mahmud Abbas, del partido Fatah.
Hamas, grupo que en junio de 2007 le arrebató el control de la franja de Gaza a la Autoridad Nacional Palestina, decidió sabotear la cita –lo cual también hizo la organización Jihad Islámica– tras alegar que las fuerzas de seguridad de Abbas continúan arrestando a cientos de sus militantes en varios puntos de Cisjordania.
La reunión iba a llevarse a cabo cuando terminara este domingo, en la ciudad turística egipcia de Sharm el Sheij, la conferencia cumbre del llamado Cuarteto para Medio Oriente, el grupo integrado por Estados Unidos, Rusia, la Unión Europea y Naciones Unidas, que elabora un plan de paz para la región.
En otro orden, tropas israelíes se enfrentaron con palestinos armados en la franja de Gaza, en el segundo incidente de este tipo en menos de una semana, sin que al cierre de esta edición se supiera la cifra de muertos y heridos.
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2008/11/09/index.php?section=mundo&article=029n1mun
Indian Women Changing Bolivia
Miguelina Colque reflects on her position
By Victoria Bomberry, Today correspondent
http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/global/30754504.html
Story Published: Oct 10, 2008
Story Updated: Oct 10, 2008
LA PAZ, Bolivia – For the moment, it is quiet in the modest national office of FENATRAHOB, the acronym for the National Federation of Domestic Workers of Bolivia. Miguelina Colque has just returned from rounds of meetings held in Bolivian cities where there are local domestic workers unions. She is the head of the executive council of the federation, which was founded in 1993 in the First Conference of Domestic Workers held in Cochabamba.
Colque was elected to a two-year term in 2006. The national meeting will take place in October, when a new secretary general will be elected. Colque was reflective as she spoke about her term in office.
“I have learned a lot and also I have been able to teach the compañeras. When they learn, I am very happy.”
In context, her comment mirrors her own story of learning and even changing the words that are used to describe her position in the household. “They begin to work when they are 8 years old. For example, I have worked for 38 years. I’m 46 years old. There isn’t time for anything else: only work, work, work. What are you going to do when you’re 45 or 50? We don’t have family or a house. We don’t have anything.”
It has been a long struggle for the organization, which began to take root in 1988 when domestic workers from Latin America and the Caribbean began to discuss the dismal situation of women and children who work in the homes of middle- and upper-class families.
In Bolivia, there is little or no distinction between the pre- and post-1952 revolution class and racial structures that haunt the country, which is in the midst of the culmination of a long struggle by indigenous peoples for social change. FENATRAHOB plays an active role in the radical changes taking place in today’s Bolivia. As Colque pointed out, children are pressed into service at a very young age. In this regard, very little has changed.
Domestic workers are infantilized and treated as property in Bolivia. It is not unusual for a middle-class woman who has grown up side by side with an Indian child, or one has been raised by an Indian woman, to think of and call her, for example, “my Rosa.” The relationship is part of the social fabric of a still deeply stratified society. It is a clear example of the privileged child’s socialization into master over their Indian caregivers.
To clarify the deep contradictions of this relationship, Silvia Rivera, a well-known Bolivian sociologist, calls the process “the trauma of the awayo.” The awayo is the multicolored, beautifully woven square piece of clothing that is used, among many other things, to carry children on the mother’s back.
The work of FENATRAHOB is in part to help women understand that they are not servants, but rather workers who deserve respect and compensation for their work. Colque said, “Almost every day at all hours, domestic workers are discriminated against.” Many women are afraid to ask for their pay or better working conditions. They fear that they may find themselves in a worse situation than the one before.
“We have many abuses against the workers. They don’t receive benefits and at times they aren’t paid for their work. At times, the employers who don’t pay throw them out of the house. The women are afraid to go back and get their pay. They don’t even pick up their clothes.”
She described the first time that she learned that she had rights as worker. “I was listening to the radio and FENATRAHOB had a program. I learned about my rights.” Things changed dramatically for Colque with this knowledge. She began to participate in FENATRAHOB by attending meetings and seminars. Eight years ago, she became a leader in the organization. According to Colque, one of her most fulfilling tasks is to teach others, as she was taught, about her right to live a life with dignity and respect.
For Colque, the year 2000 – when she became active in FENATRAHOB – was crucial. When the organization was founded, its major goal was to push for legislation that would regulate the salaries and benefits of workers of the home. In the early to mid-’90s, they had hoped that Victor Hugo Cardenas, the first indigenous vice president, would be able to usher their proposal through the legislative process. Unfortunately, they were unable to make headway. By 2002, they were able to push the legislation forward in what became law in February 2003.
The Law of Regulation of Salaried Domestic Work has 25 articles. Work hours are established in two categories; for women who live outside their place of employment, there is an eight-hour day. For women who live in the home, the work day is no more than 10 hours. Another article grants workers the right to one day off per week.
Colque pointed out that women’s solidarity was not found across the board. She had been talking about indigenous and non-indigenous women’s organizations that worked together to get basic women’s rights into Bolivia’s new constitution. However, in the case of the law, the solidarity was deeply fractured: “There were many women with workers who did not want the law.” It was a long, tough battle.
She is emphatic when she talks about rights and discusses the ongoing work of implementing the law. “The compañeras have neither health care nor retirement. When compañeras reach 50 or 60, they are alone; they don’t have housing or anything – they end up on the streets.” She further explained that the majority of domestic workers are single mothers or alone. The lack of social and familiar support makes the situation extremely serious.
One of the projects that FENATRAHOB is working on is building housing for women who can no longer work. She said, “A large house! So, if they don’t have anywhere to go, they will have their own house.” For most women, it will be the first time they will have a place of their own. The project is in cooperation with Spain. The plan is to start in La Paz and expand to other cities.
Evo Morales became Bolivia’s first indigenous president in 2006. He appointed Casimira Rodriguez, one of the founders and leaders of FENATRAHOB, to the position of Minister of Justice. In Supreme Decree 28655, Morales declared March 30 to be National Domestic Workers Day. Colque said proudly, “La Paz has its day; Bolivia has its Independence Day; the U.S. has its Independence Day; and now we have our day.”
By Victoria Bomberry, Today correspondent
http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/global/30754504.html
Story Published: Oct 10, 2008
Story Updated: Oct 10, 2008
LA PAZ, Bolivia – For the moment, it is quiet in the modest national office of FENATRAHOB, the acronym for the National Federation of Domestic Workers of Bolivia. Miguelina Colque has just returned from rounds of meetings held in Bolivian cities where there are local domestic workers unions. She is the head of the executive council of the federation, which was founded in 1993 in the First Conference of Domestic Workers held in Cochabamba.
Colque was elected to a two-year term in 2006. The national meeting will take place in October, when a new secretary general will be elected. Colque was reflective as she spoke about her term in office.
“I have learned a lot and also I have been able to teach the compañeras. When they learn, I am very happy.”
In context, her comment mirrors her own story of learning and even changing the words that are used to describe her position in the household. “They begin to work when they are 8 years old. For example, I have worked for 38 years. I’m 46 years old. There isn’t time for anything else: only work, work, work. What are you going to do when you’re 45 or 50? We don’t have family or a house. We don’t have anything.”
It has been a long struggle for the organization, which began to take root in 1988 when domestic workers from Latin America and the Caribbean began to discuss the dismal situation of women and children who work in the homes of middle- and upper-class families.
In Bolivia, there is little or no distinction between the pre- and post-1952 revolution class and racial structures that haunt the country, which is in the midst of the culmination of a long struggle by indigenous peoples for social change. FENATRAHOB plays an active role in the radical changes taking place in today’s Bolivia. As Colque pointed out, children are pressed into service at a very young age. In this regard, very little has changed.
Domestic workers are infantilized and treated as property in Bolivia. It is not unusual for a middle-class woman who has grown up side by side with an Indian child, or one has been raised by an Indian woman, to think of and call her, for example, “my Rosa.” The relationship is part of the social fabric of a still deeply stratified society. It is a clear example of the privileged child’s socialization into master over their Indian caregivers.
To clarify the deep contradictions of this relationship, Silvia Rivera, a well-known Bolivian sociologist, calls the process “the trauma of the awayo.” The awayo is the multicolored, beautifully woven square piece of clothing that is used, among many other things, to carry children on the mother’s back.
The work of FENATRAHOB is in part to help women understand that they are not servants, but rather workers who deserve respect and compensation for their work. Colque said, “Almost every day at all hours, domestic workers are discriminated against.” Many women are afraid to ask for their pay or better working conditions. They fear that they may find themselves in a worse situation than the one before.
“We have many abuses against the workers. They don’t receive benefits and at times they aren’t paid for their work. At times, the employers who don’t pay throw them out of the house. The women are afraid to go back and get their pay. They don’t even pick up their clothes.”
She described the first time that she learned that she had rights as worker. “I was listening to the radio and FENATRAHOB had a program. I learned about my rights.” Things changed dramatically for Colque with this knowledge. She began to participate in FENATRAHOB by attending meetings and seminars. Eight years ago, she became a leader in the organization. According to Colque, one of her most fulfilling tasks is to teach others, as she was taught, about her right to live a life with dignity and respect.
For Colque, the year 2000 – when she became active in FENATRAHOB – was crucial. When the organization was founded, its major goal was to push for legislation that would regulate the salaries and benefits of workers of the home. In the early to mid-’90s, they had hoped that Victor Hugo Cardenas, the first indigenous vice president, would be able to usher their proposal through the legislative process. Unfortunately, they were unable to make headway. By 2002, they were able to push the legislation forward in what became law in February 2003.
The Law of Regulation of Salaried Domestic Work has 25 articles. Work hours are established in two categories; for women who live outside their place of employment, there is an eight-hour day. For women who live in the home, the work day is no more than 10 hours. Another article grants workers the right to one day off per week.
Colque pointed out that women’s solidarity was not found across the board. She had been talking about indigenous and non-indigenous women’s organizations that worked together to get basic women’s rights into Bolivia’s new constitution. However, in the case of the law, the solidarity was deeply fractured: “There were many women with workers who did not want the law.” It was a long, tough battle.
She is emphatic when she talks about rights and discusses the ongoing work of implementing the law. “The compañeras have neither health care nor retirement. When compañeras reach 50 or 60, they are alone; they don’t have housing or anything – they end up on the streets.” She further explained that the majority of domestic workers are single mothers or alone. The lack of social and familiar support makes the situation extremely serious.
One of the projects that FENATRAHOB is working on is building housing for women who can no longer work. She said, “A large house! So, if they don’t have anywhere to go, they will have their own house.” For most women, it will be the first time they will have a place of their own. The project is in cooperation with Spain. The plan is to start in La Paz and expand to other cities.
Evo Morales became Bolivia’s first indigenous president in 2006. He appointed Casimira Rodriguez, one of the founders and leaders of FENATRAHOB, to the position of Minister of Justice. In Supreme Decree 28655, Morales declared March 30 to be National Domestic Workers Day. Colque said proudly, “La Paz has its day; Bolivia has its Independence Day; the U.S. has its Independence Day; and now we have our day.”
Se incrementa en los Territorios Ocupados la violencia de los colonos israelíes contra los niños palestinos
Defence for Children International
Traducido del inglés para Rebelión por Sinfo Fernández
Hoy [5.11.08], la Sección de Palestina de Defence for Children International (DCI-PS) ha publicado un informe [*] que documenta el preocupante incremento de los ataques de colonos contra niños palestinos en los Territorios Ocupados.
Aunque la violencia de los colonos ha aumentado velozmente desde el comienzo de la segunda Intifada en septiembre de 2000, el comienzo de 2008 ha registrado un notable incremento de los ataques de colonos contra civiles palestinos, incluidos los niños.
Sólo en los cinco primeros meses de 2008, la OCHA [Oficina de las Naciones Unidas para la Coordinación de Asuntos Humanitarios] documentó 42 casos de ataques de colonos que acabaron matando o hiriendo a palestinos, en comparación con los 76 casos ocurridos en todo 2007. Desde el comienzo de 2008, la OCHA ha documentado los casos de 19 niños heridos y un niño muerto como consecuencia de los ataques de los colonos, habiéndose perpetrado en Hebrón casi el 70% de los incidentes.
El informe de DCI/PS se basa en las pruebas reunidas durante el período de enero de 2007 a junio de 2008 y se limita a los ataques de colonos contra niños palestinos en la Cisjordania ocupada, incluido Jerusalén Este.
El informe destaca nueve incidentes distintos de ataques de colonos que incluyeron disparos, palizas y piedras en los que acabaron heridos 12 niños palestinos.
Ninguno de esos incidentes fue digno de atención por parte de las autoridades israelíes, ni siquiera en los casos en que se presentaron quejas; y las víctimas no han recibido justicia ni indemnización alguna.
DCI/PS reconoce los pasos dados recientemente por el gobierno británico en aras a presionar a la Unión Europea para que promulgue leyes de catalogación más rigurosas diseñadas para frenar las importaciones de los artículos que se producen en los ilegales asentamientos israelíes que violan el actual Acuerdo de Comercio de Israel con la Unión Europea. DCI/PS hace además un llamamiento a la comunidad internacional para que exija que Israel:
Proteja a la población civil de los Territorios Ocupados, incluidos los niños, de los ataques de los colonos y se asegure de que todos los casos de ataques que se produzcan sean investigados de forma imparcial y rigurosa y que los autores sean llevados ante la justicia.
Detenga de inmediato todas las actividades de los asentamientos y tome medidas para que desmantele los asentamientos existentes y dé comienzo al proceso de reubicación de sus nacionales dentro de las fronteras estatales legalmente reconocidas.
Reconozca que la construcción de asentamientos representa una grave violación de los derechos fundamentales y libertades del pueblo palestino, incluido su derecho a la autodeterminación.
Cumpla con sus obligaciones legales con la población palestina bajo ocupación, de conformidad con el derecho humanitario internacional y las leyes internacionales sobre derechos humanos.
Antecedentes
La Cisjordania ocupada, incluido Jerusalén Este, alberga a unos 450.000 colonos judíos ilegales que viven en más de 130 asentamientos y 100 puestos de avanzada no autorizados construidos sobre tierra palestina confiscada. El periódico israelí Ma’ariv informaba recientemente que, desde principios de año, alrededor de unos 15.000 israelíes se habían trasladado a asentamientos ilegales en Cisjordania. Una creciente población de colonos, que se siente envalentonada por el débil cumplimiento que de las leyes hacen las autoridades israelíes, ha llevado a una escalada de los ataques violentos contra las comunidades palestinas circundantes, una realidad que los funcionarios israelíes no pueden seguir negando.
De hecho, cierto número de funcionarios israelíes han empezado a reconocer que los ataques de los colonos no son incidentes aislados limitados a unos cuantos incontrolados sino que son indicativos de un cada vez más amplio y creciente problema. El oficial jefe del ejército en Cisjordania, el Teniente General Gadi Shamni afirmó recientemente que cientos de colonos judíos están perpetrando en Cisjordania actos de violencia contra los palestinos, definiéndolo como un “fenómeno grave” y un incremento “muy importante” en relación al pasado. Durante la actual temporada de recogida de la aceituna, se ha informado de varios incidentes de ataques de colonos y se teme que ocurran más. En semanas recientes, los ataques de colonos contra soldados israelíes y policías en Cisjordania, así como una bomba casera, colocada por motivos ideológicos contra la casa de un importante profesor israelí que se había manifestado abiertamente en contra de los asentamientos, impulsó la decisión del gobierno israelí de cortar todo apoyo financiero a los puestos de avanzada de asentamientos no autorizados en la ocupada Cisjordania.
A pesar de esas recientes propuestas, el ejército y la policía israelíes no han mostrado interés alguno en impedir los ataques de los colonos ni en tomar las medidas legales adecuadas para que los autores sean responsables de sus crímenes. Los palestinos víctimas de esos ataques vacilan a la hora de presentar reclamaciones porque no tienen confianza en un sistema legal que les concede escasa protección y permite que los colonos les ataquen impunemente. En 2007, el grupo israelí por los derechos humanos Yesh Din informó que el 85% de los casos de ataques terminaban sin acusaciones.
N. de la T.:
[*] Véase el informe referido en:
http://www.dci-pal.org/english/publ/display.cfm?DocId=869&CategoryId=8
Enlace con texto original:
www.dci-pal.org/english/display.cfm?DocId=870&CategoryId=1
Traducido del inglés para Rebelión por Sinfo Fernández
Hoy [5.11.08], la Sección de Palestina de Defence for Children International (DCI-PS) ha publicado un informe [*] que documenta el preocupante incremento de los ataques de colonos contra niños palestinos en los Territorios Ocupados.
Aunque la violencia de los colonos ha aumentado velozmente desde el comienzo de la segunda Intifada en septiembre de 2000, el comienzo de 2008 ha registrado un notable incremento de los ataques de colonos contra civiles palestinos, incluidos los niños.
Sólo en los cinco primeros meses de 2008, la OCHA [Oficina de las Naciones Unidas para la Coordinación de Asuntos Humanitarios] documentó 42 casos de ataques de colonos que acabaron matando o hiriendo a palestinos, en comparación con los 76 casos ocurridos en todo 2007. Desde el comienzo de 2008, la OCHA ha documentado los casos de 19 niños heridos y un niño muerto como consecuencia de los ataques de los colonos, habiéndose perpetrado en Hebrón casi el 70% de los incidentes.
El informe de DCI/PS se basa en las pruebas reunidas durante el período de enero de 2007 a junio de 2008 y se limita a los ataques de colonos contra niños palestinos en la Cisjordania ocupada, incluido Jerusalén Este.
El informe destaca nueve incidentes distintos de ataques de colonos que incluyeron disparos, palizas y piedras en los que acabaron heridos 12 niños palestinos.
Ninguno de esos incidentes fue digno de atención por parte de las autoridades israelíes, ni siquiera en los casos en que se presentaron quejas; y las víctimas no han recibido justicia ni indemnización alguna.
DCI/PS reconoce los pasos dados recientemente por el gobierno británico en aras a presionar a la Unión Europea para que promulgue leyes de catalogación más rigurosas diseñadas para frenar las importaciones de los artículos que se producen en los ilegales asentamientos israelíes que violan el actual Acuerdo de Comercio de Israel con la Unión Europea. DCI/PS hace además un llamamiento a la comunidad internacional para que exija que Israel:
Proteja a la población civil de los Territorios Ocupados, incluidos los niños, de los ataques de los colonos y se asegure de que todos los casos de ataques que se produzcan sean investigados de forma imparcial y rigurosa y que los autores sean llevados ante la justicia.
Detenga de inmediato todas las actividades de los asentamientos y tome medidas para que desmantele los asentamientos existentes y dé comienzo al proceso de reubicación de sus nacionales dentro de las fronteras estatales legalmente reconocidas.
Reconozca que la construcción de asentamientos representa una grave violación de los derechos fundamentales y libertades del pueblo palestino, incluido su derecho a la autodeterminación.
Cumpla con sus obligaciones legales con la población palestina bajo ocupación, de conformidad con el derecho humanitario internacional y las leyes internacionales sobre derechos humanos.
Antecedentes
La Cisjordania ocupada, incluido Jerusalén Este, alberga a unos 450.000 colonos judíos ilegales que viven en más de 130 asentamientos y 100 puestos de avanzada no autorizados construidos sobre tierra palestina confiscada. El periódico israelí Ma’ariv informaba recientemente que, desde principios de año, alrededor de unos 15.000 israelíes se habían trasladado a asentamientos ilegales en Cisjordania. Una creciente población de colonos, que se siente envalentonada por el débil cumplimiento que de las leyes hacen las autoridades israelíes, ha llevado a una escalada de los ataques violentos contra las comunidades palestinas circundantes, una realidad que los funcionarios israelíes no pueden seguir negando.
De hecho, cierto número de funcionarios israelíes han empezado a reconocer que los ataques de los colonos no son incidentes aislados limitados a unos cuantos incontrolados sino que son indicativos de un cada vez más amplio y creciente problema. El oficial jefe del ejército en Cisjordania, el Teniente General Gadi Shamni afirmó recientemente que cientos de colonos judíos están perpetrando en Cisjordania actos de violencia contra los palestinos, definiéndolo como un “fenómeno grave” y un incremento “muy importante” en relación al pasado. Durante la actual temporada de recogida de la aceituna, se ha informado de varios incidentes de ataques de colonos y se teme que ocurran más. En semanas recientes, los ataques de colonos contra soldados israelíes y policías en Cisjordania, así como una bomba casera, colocada por motivos ideológicos contra la casa de un importante profesor israelí que se había manifestado abiertamente en contra de los asentamientos, impulsó la decisión del gobierno israelí de cortar todo apoyo financiero a los puestos de avanzada de asentamientos no autorizados en la ocupada Cisjordania.
A pesar de esas recientes propuestas, el ejército y la policía israelíes no han mostrado interés alguno en impedir los ataques de los colonos ni en tomar las medidas legales adecuadas para que los autores sean responsables de sus crímenes. Los palestinos víctimas de esos ataques vacilan a la hora de presentar reclamaciones porque no tienen confianza en un sistema legal que les concede escasa protección y permite que los colonos les ataquen impunemente. En 2007, el grupo israelí por los derechos humanos Yesh Din informó que el 85% de los casos de ataques terminaban sin acusaciones.
N. de la T.:
[*] Véase el informe referido en:
http://www.dci-pal.org/english/publ/display.cfm?DocId=869&CategoryId=8
Enlace con texto original:
www.dci-pal.org/english/display.cfm?DocId=870&CategoryId=1
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