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Our Word is Our Weapon, if you have anything you would like us to publish please send us an email @ maiz_centeotl_chicomecoatl@riseup.net

2/24/09

National Human Rights March to Challenge Sheriff Joe Arpaio

JOIN US IN PHOENIX TO MARCH FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND CHALLENGE SHERIFF JOE ARPAIO

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 2009 - 9:00 A. M. - IN PHOENIX INDIAN SCHOOL PARK






Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras
Statement of Support
For the
National Human Rights March To Challenge Sheriff Joe Arpaio
Saturday, February 28th - Phoenix, Arizona


The Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras joins and stands strongly in support of all the people and organizers of the National Human Rights March to challenge the Human Rights abuses of Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio. We believe that the militarization and border enforcement policies that have been inflicted upon the territories of our eight Nations of Indigenous Peoples divided by the US-Mexico border have helped nurture virulent racist nativism in America, and politicians have used immigration as a wedge issue that has degraded respect for the civil and human rights of us all.

The actions of Sheriff Arpaio extend the militarization of the border to the entirety of the metropolis of Maricopa County, where the Sheriff's Posse acts as an "uber police" force, overriding jurisdictions of civil government and community control. We understand that the 287(g) Agreement now in place with the Sheriff of Maricopa County and the federal government has been implemented in violation of the constitutional right of Equal Protection and with blatant discriminatory enforcement tactics by Sheriff Arpaio, and therefore demand that the 287(g) Agreement be cancelled immediately.

We join voices as well with members of the Judiciary Committee of the US House of Representatives to call for federal investigation on the systematic practices and procedures of discriminatory enforcement that Sheriff Arpaio has implemented throughout Maricopa County, and that such violations be addressed in the appropriate judicial venues and courts of both civil and human rights. To this end, we call to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Professor James Anaya of the University of Arizona, to take into account these procedures of federal investigation now under way, and articulate effective measures to address the international regional and historical context of the issue as part of a pattern of systemic human rights violations driven by transnational government economic policies in North America, in reference to the regime of NAFTA.

Stop Arpaio!

The actions of Sheriff Arpaio and his posse have declared open season and war on all People of Color, including documented and undocumented immigrants, and U.S. Citizens. Public safety and public health have suffered as a result. This situation must brought to an end immediately.

We call upon the Maricopa County Government, citizens and politicians to stop the perpetrators of hate and fear that use anti-immigration legislation and border enforcement policies as a tool to discriminate against People of Color and terrorize our communities! Sheriff Joe Arpaio must be stopped! His racist acts deserve Public Condemnation because they polarize Race Relations in Arizona and undermine the stability and integrity of our regional economy in the state.


Indigenous Peoples and the Border
Across the borderlands, anti-immigrant issues have also profoundly affected Indigenous Peoples.


The cultural and religious ties between our Indigenous Nations and communities on both sides of the US-Mexico border precede the imposition of the international boundary between the two countries by millennia. These ties present a cultural mandate that must continue and will continue in spite of the great difficulties of today's political climate and economic realities.

The vast majority of immigrants without documents coming to the US are Indigenous Peoples of the Abya Yala [the Americas] from Mexico, Guatemala and other South American countries. Indigenous people living on or near the border from Texas to California and from Coahuila to Baja California, are harassed, subjected to high-speed chases, abuse of state authority, and suffer daily violations of human and civil rights with impunity.

Southern Indigenous border issues are neglected or ignored by politicians and by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Indigenous sovereignty and rights of self-determination are continuously violated by restrictive and discriminatory border crossing enforcement policies.

Southern Indigenous Border Rights and Justice should be dealt with as a viable border enforcement issue in order to ensure policy change that will respect indigenous rights of mobility and passage, preservation of language and cultural rights and indigenous family's unification.

The Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras, founded in 1997, was created by and for Indigenous Peoples to address border issues of the southern US border with Mexico. The Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras consists of individual tribal members from the eight southern border indigenous nations with relatives in Mexico. We seek to increase public awareness regionally and nationally on how anti-immigrant legislation and border enforcement policies daily affect the lives of Indigenous Peoples.


Indigenous Rights and Immigrant Rights are HUMAN RIGHTS!


WE DEMAND THAT ARPAIO BE BROUGHT TO JUSTICE!
HIS WILD WEST TACTICS ARE UNACCEPTABLE!
A Nation that is governed based on the Rule of Law Must Respect Human Rights!
! Human Rights do not need Documents !

******************************
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Adopted by the UN General Assembly on September 13th, 2007
Article 36
1. Indigenous peoples, in particular those divided by international borders, have the right to maintain and develop contacts, relations and cooperation, including activities for spiritual, cultural, political, economic and social purposes, with their own members as well as other peoples across borders.
2. States, in consultation and cooperation with indigenous peoples, shall take effective measures to facilitate the exercise and ensure the implementation of this right.


Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras
Contact: Jose R. Matus, Project Director Tel: (520) 979-2125
P.O. Box 826 Tucson, AZ 85702
www.indigenasinfronteras.org
###



Links:
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (A/RES/61/295)

Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous People

Tonatierra

Puente AZ

III Cumbre Continental de Pueblos y Nacionalidades Indígenas de ABYA YALA


Alianza Indigena Sin Fronteras: Statement of Support - National Human Rights March Sat February 28 Phoenix

¿La Democracia Participativa Puede Revitalizar La Política?

Michael Löwy

Rebelión

Desde sus orígenes en Grecia, la democracia se consideró como la participación directa de todos los ciudadanos en las deliberaciones y decisiones. Este es el mismo principio que defiende el fundador del pensamiento democrático moderno, Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Es con las grandes revoluciones modernas, en Inglaterra, Estados Unidos y Francia que la práctica de la democracia representativa se establecerá. Ella es, en cierta medida, inevitable en las grandes sociedades modernas. Las perversiones de la representación no datan de nuestros días, pero han considerablemente agravadas durante el reinado del neoliberalismo: con la formación de una casta política cerrado y con frecuencia corrupta, sumisa a los intereses de las élites privilegiadas, con la exclusión de las mujeres y los inmigrantes, y así sucesivamente (¡la lista es larga!).

La democracia participativa, tal y como funciona, principalmente en algunas de las comunidades indígenas autogestivas en América Latina - por ejemplo, en las regiones zapatistas en Chiapas - es una nueva forma de gestión política que rompe con las estructuras burocráticas oficiales. Es un ejemplo fascinante, pero que se presta difícilmente a una gestión a nivel nacional.

Otro caso de una figura interesante de ella, el más conocido internacionalmente, es, por supuesto, el presupuesto participativo en algunas ciudades brasileñas dirigidas por coaliciones de la izquierda -por ejemplo, en Porto Alegre. También hay un intento de ampliar el presupuesto participativo en otra provincia de Brasil, Rio Grande do Sul, con el gobernador de izquierda Olivio Dutra.

Estas son algunas experiencias importantes, pero con algunos límites: participación minoritaria, de gestión puramente local y de sólo una parte de los recursos municipales. . En todo caso, estos intentos son más interesantes que sus equivalentes en Europa, donde, con raras excepciones, se trata de consejos meramente consultivos y que no toman decisiones.

Aparece así, poco a poco, la idea de que la democracia representativa debe combinarse con formas de democracia directa, lo que permite la participación directa de los ciudadanos en las deliberaciones y las decisiones políticas que les afectan.

Esta idea me parece fértil y prometedora, aunque las modalidades están todavía en gran medida por definir.

Pero la crisis de la democracia representativa parlamentaria actual y sus fuentes estructurales, de raíces más profundas: la incapacidad de las estructuras políticas establecidas, parlamentarias o de otra índole, para hacer frente con eficacia los problemas económicos y sociales. En la lógica del capitalismo neoliberal, las decisiones reales son cada vez menos adoptadas por los "representantes electos", y cada vez más por los mercados financieros, los principales bancos y empresas multinacionales, y en lo que respecta a esos países del Sur, el FMI y el Banco Mundial.

¡No se podrá salvar la democracia política si no es con el establecimiento de la democracia económica!

Traducción: Andrés Lund Medina


Who: National Day Laborer Organizing Network, Puente Arizona, and Zach de la Rocha

What: March to Stop the Systematic Persecution of Migrants and Latinos in AZ.

Where: March Start Location for Feb 28th: 300 E Indian School Rd, Phoenix, AZ 85012

When: March to Stop the Hate in Phoenix to be held 9:00 am on February 28


STOP THE RAIDS! REVOKE 287(g) AGREEMENTS!




PEOPLE FROM ALL OVER THE COUNTRY ARE ASKING-WHAT ARE WE DOING ABOUT ARPAIO? HOW CAN WE ALLOW HIM TO DO WHAT HE DOES?

IT'S TIME FOR EVERYONE TO JOIN TOGETHER AND STAND UP TO ARPAIO AND SEND ONE MESSAGE TO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT-

STOP THE RAIDS! REVOKE ALL 287 (g) AGREEMENTS


INVESTIGATE ARPAIO!


On Friday February 6th, more than 70 immigrant, labor, and civil rights organizations from throughout the country convened an emergency conference call to reflect upon the Sheriff's most recent media spectacle, the forced march of immigrants to a segregated area in his notorious "Tent City" in the desert.

Organizations universally condemned the action and all pledged to assist the people of Maricopa County to overcome Sheriff Arpaio's reign of terror. They plan a series of Teach-Ins throughout the country to increase awareness, raise funds, and energize those who wish to restore decency to the immigration reform debate. Further, groups agreed to support a national organizing conference in Phoenix to be held on February 27, as well as a Peaceful Dignity Walk and demonstration to be held on February 28 in Phoenix, Arizona.

They will carry a simple message: Stop the raids and revoke all 287(g) agreements.




For More Information Visit


National Day Laborer Organizing Network

La Frontera Times

Puente AZ



Protest the abuses of Sheriff Joe Arpaio




¡Stop The Raids!




¡Revoke 287 (g)'s!




¡Shutdown Arpaio!




Join Us Saturday February 28th




9:00am at Steele Indian School Park




South Entrance (3rd St & Indian School)




The Protest will stop at

Immigration Building


Arpaio's office(Wells Fargo Tower)


Federal Courthouse

2/23/09

El Viaje Invisible de Las Mujeres Subsaharianas

Migraciones: dos años hacia Europa

Patricia Manrique

Diagonal

Una investigación elaborada con 138 entrevistas documenta las experiencias de más de un centenar de mujeres africanas que han emigrado hacia Europa. Son los testimonios de una violencia extrema.
“Cuando vivíamos en el bosque [en Marruecos] era tremendo porque no sólo te tenías que proteger de los bandidos, sino también de las redadas de la policía. Cuando llegaba la policía nos detenía por la fuerza. Muchas veces te violaban.

A mí me violaron un día siete policías y yo sabía además que mis compañeros escondidos me miraban, era horroroso. Después, me dejaron tirada, medio muerta”. Es el relato de la violencia sufrida por una mujer camerunesa, temporalmente atrapada en Rabat, que busca poder terminar su viaje migratorio hasta Europa. Es uno de los testimonios recogidos en un informe de Women’s Link Worldwide, una organización internacional de derechos humanos que trabaja para asegurar la equidad de género. El 16 de febrero, Women’s Link Worldwide (www.womenslinkworldwide. org/)presentaba los resultados de su investigación Los derechos de las mujeres migrantes: una realidad invisible. El objetivo: documentar las experiencias de vida de mujeres subsaharianas que han tomado la decisión de emigrar hacía Europa “para elaborar estrategias nosotras y para que esa información sea útil para otras organizaciones que dan servicios sociales”, indica Viviana Waisman coordinadora del proyecto. Basado en las entrevistas realizadas, entre el año 2005 y 2007, a 138 mujeres de diferentes países subsaharianos, tanto en Marruecos como en el Estado español, el informe evidencia las vulneraciones de los derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos sexuales y reproductivos, y las múltiples formas de violencia que sufren.

Las mujeres entrevistadas –en su mayor parte nigerianas– tardaron un promedio de 2,3 años en recorrer los aproximadamente de 2.500 a 6.000 km que hay entre sus países de origen y Maruecos. La gran mayoría de ellas pasan varios meses y a veces años en los países de tránsito en donde en general mendigan o ejercen la prostitución para sobrevivir. El motivo fundamental para salir es la necesidad y el deseo de tener una mejor calidad de vida que permita la subsistencia propia y de sus familias.

Cuando hay un conflicto bélico se trata también de preservar la vida. La gran mayoría de las mujeres entrevistadas declaran haber sufrido violencia en los países por los que han pasado. La violencia física y sexual “perpetrada por las autoridades marroquíes, argelinas y españolas” es otra constante en la vida de las migrantes. En muchos casos las mujeres afirmaron haber tenido un “marido del camino”, que “a cambio de disponibilidad sexual, cuidado de la alimentación y trabajo doméstico, las protege de ser violadas por otros hombres y se encarga de su supervivencia”. Aunque en muchos casos estos ‘maridos’ forman parte de la red de trata que ha comprado a la mujer y la controla. Un alto porcentaje de mujeres, en especial las nigerianas, eran o habían sido víctimas de trata.

Las redes se ceban, además, con las mujeres jóvenes, con un promedio de 20 años, “buscan mujeres jóvenes para someterlas a trata con fines de explotación sexual”. Waisman hace hincapié en la dificultad que encuentran estas mujeres para acceder siquiera a “ese derecho mínimo que es la petición de asilo en frontera” –con la nueva ley, único lugar en que se puede pedir–. También destaca la falta de acceso a la salud reproductiva de estas mujeres que, sometidas tanta violencia, viven muchos embarazos no deseados y abortos.

Entre estas historias recogidas por Women’s Link está, por ejemplo, la de una mujer a la que acompañaron a pedir asilo ante ACNUR en Rabat –que le fue denegado– que murió junto a su hija intentando cruzar a nado el Estrecho.

A War Cry From the North

Letter From Iceland

By EINAR MÁR GUOMUNDSSON

CounterPunch

You who live with an island in your heart
and the vastness of space
a sidewalk beneath your soles.

Hand me the Northern Lights!
I shall dance with the youngster
who is holding the stars.

We peel the skin from the darkness
and cut the head off misery.

This poem, A War Cry from North, serves in many a way as a fitting beginning for this piece, not only because the poem describes the matter at hand; rather, I wrote it at the Sailors' Home in Klakksvik in the Faroe Islands in February, 1993, when the bank depression devastated the Faroes.

I was there on a reading tour and have related that story elsewhere and do not intend to draw the Faroe Islands into the financial crisis which Iceland now faces. Although the depression is said to be of an international nature, I intend to fix my sights on Iceland.

* * *

In the midst of all this turmoil, the first question that comes to mind must be: Was Karl Marx right? My friend, who has held on to all the volumes of Das Kapital and has read them, tells me this situation, as it appears now, is dealt with in the third volume. But few people, apparently, have read it because the second volume contains a lot of mathematics, according to my friend who does not stop at owning all the volumes but has read them, which is more than I, or most other people, have done.

This friend of mine says that Karl Marx talks about poetic capital, fictive capital, in the third volume of Das Kapital, where there is no real wealth behind the profits, simply an exchange of worthless documents between one individual and the next - worthless in the sense that there is in no reality in place.

Such a web of lies was woven by the Icelandic capitalists who were often called entrepreneurial Vikings and rumored to be spiffy and swell. In their own publications they appeared as demi-gods and pretended to be patrons of worthy causes, with wives who cared about children in Africa. They claimed they wanted to share something of themselves, that they were doing so well because their husbands worked so hard at the office and met with success in almost every endeavor. They bought their way into companies, gained majority stakes, formed new companies and sold them to one another and kept everything of value from the old companies, the possessions of the shareholders, for themselves. Such was the web of deceit. This was the fate of many a valuable company. Then they reappeared in their own publications, having bought ski slopes in the Alps, luxury apartments in Manhattan and yachts in Florida. These were the happy few indeed.

Note, I use the concept a web of deceit. Still, this is not quite the right phrase because all of this occurred in accordance with the laws of the market and with the blessings of the market. No laws, no rules, prevented the shenanigans of the financial grandees. The politicians of Iceland were fast asleep, shrugged their shoulders and clinked glasses with the financial grandees, they even felt insulted if they were not invited to the feast which was enveloped in Hollywood glamor and razzmatazz.

* * *

When libertarians speak of the market, they resort to religious terms: "This is up to the market." Or: "We'll let the market decide that." One only needs to replace the word "market" with the word "God" and the religious content of libertarianism becomes apparent. The invisible hand becomes the Will of God, irrespective of how people feel about God. But Mammon is shrewd and takes on many forms. This is to say, the entrepreneurial Vikings, the financial grandees, the Icelandic capitalists, or whatever you wish to call them, were only offering due sacrifices to the market or to Mammon. The rules of engagement were in place and they took advantage of them. In addition, there were the astronomical salaries, the options, the bonuses and more things of joy. In Iceland, a new class came into being, a class of the superwealthy who reduced the middle class to paupers and made fools of the lower class. All sense of values was thrown out of kilter. Ordinary vocations, like that of teaching, were considered declassé. No one took the bus anymore. Everyone jumped into a new car, even cars people didn't own but bought on installment, from the tires upwards.

The directors of the privatized banks proceeded without discretion. They considered their work such an accomplishment that they awarded themselves a monthly salary to the tune of a Nobel Prize. If this excessive generosity towards themselves was pointed out to them, they would grimace and threaten to leave the country. We should have taken a leaf from The Saga of Grettir, wished them a safe journey and asked them never to return. But they claimed to be in such demand abroad. One could even imagine they would be cloned so that the entire world could bask in their reflected glory. Then it was left to the Icelandic biopharmaceutical company Decode to discover the jealousy gene in those who had the temerity to criticize them. One of them even talked about getting a Ph.D. student to conduct research into why the Danes were so jealous of them.

* * *

I'll get to this later because Karl Marx now insists I give a more detailed account of his views. The difference, it is said, between Karl Marx and most modern economists is that Marx had a historical overview, that he considered history a classroom from which he drew lessons. In this respect his methods are not unlike those of epic novelists, just in a different field. The truth is concrete, said Marx, like the novelist who collects facts which form the basis of his work. Therefore there are correspondences here and they are not unrelated to modern literature, in that there is a correspondence between unrelated fields. Karl Marx would have discerned the reality of the poetic capital from the depression which ran rampant in the middle of the 19th century - in 1859 if I recall - the most dire depression civic society has witnessed, along with the Great Depression of 1930 and the one with which we are now faced. If these depressions are volcanic eruptions, other depressions are earthquakes, various sorts of reverberations, some of which are restricted to specific zones. Around the middle of the nineteenth century there were great transport developments in Europe which crumbled with the same resounding thud as the financial world is doing now.

We also know that the Great Depression of 1930 was caused by overproduction. But now the depression of 2008 is one of overinvestment. Therefore its origins are to be found in investment companies and banks. Faced with the greed which has followed in wake of this newly crumbled financial system, people are of course flabbergasted. For example, some of the Icelandic financial grandees have appeared on lists of the world's richest men. They travel by private jet and try to outdo one another with all kinds of displays of vanity. Bands like Duran Duran have performed at new year galas and Elton John has sung at their birthday parties. I'm not going to discuss their musical tastes as such, but there are those artists who have become court poets and painters to the billionaires.

* * *

Even the President has trotted around half the globe with them, maybe to watch a single football match and likened them to great men in toast speeches, exalted their daring. They have had the leaders of the social democratic movement in their pocket and these have been like ventriloquist dummies of the wealthy because, all things being equal, the billonaires needed to find an adversary and some of them have found that adversary in Davíð Oddsson who has occupied almost every position imaginable, that of mayor, prime minister, and now that of chairman of the Central Bank of Iceland.

The Baugur crowd, i.e. the wealthy men of Baugur Group, have blamed the financial depression on Davíð Oddsson and made liberal use of their own press for that purpose. The social democratic leaders, Ingibjörg Sólrún for instance, have aped the billionaires in respect to this ridiculous animosity, the billionaires who moan about their families being persecuted when attempts have been made to curb their crimes and immorality. Davíð Oddsson has accused them of greed and corruption, called them highrollers and made full use of his rhetorical skills to mock them.

But Davíð forgets one thing, that he and his party, the Independence Party, paved the way for these men by privatizing the banks and contributed to the utter lack of ground rules surrounding their activities. The Progressive Party, too, must shoulder much of the blame for this state of affairs. When the banks were privatized, Valgerður Sverridóttir, former Minister of Industry and Commerce, and one of the leaders of the Progressive Party, declared: "This is a significant watershed, as this is the most comprehensive act of privatization in the history of Iceland."

And she was in such a hurry to privatize the banks that summer houses and a valuable art collection were thrown into the bargain, free of charge. When someone had the temerity to criticize her for this, she mouthed off.

The politicians are therefore in the role of Dr. Frankenstein and the billionaires are the monsters who have utterly outgrown the economy and plunged the nation into debt to such a degree that when the moral criterion of the nation state is applied, the word "treason" comes to mind and therefore, given the situation in which the country now finds itself, there is no other recourse but to confiscate the properties of these men and then only to pay off debts, the debts they themselves have incurred.

* * *

On the surface, Davíð Oddsson's rhetoric concerning the corrupt and greedy highrollers is spot on because there has been no end to the disorder and doubledealing. I won't go so far as to say that we need to go back to Roman times to find parallels; rather we need go back to the twenties, the Roaring Twenties, when the Great Gatsby ruled the roost and fictional characters such as Babbit came into being. In fact, what Babbit has in common with the financial grandees is that the man, as such, is sympathetic but prone to the same shallow greed. But let's look closer to home. Joseph Stiglitz, Bill Clinton's economic advisor, himself a libertarian who became disgusted with libertarianism, wrote the book "The Roaring Nineties" which deals with exactly the same things that have been happening in the Icelandic economy, except people like those responsible for the Enron debacle have actually been taken to court in that country, whereas in Iceland the highrollers are invited to dine with the President at Bessastaðir, to whoop it up with the highrolling Martha Stewart who is apparently a friend of the First Lady. Someone might assume that the President owed us, his people, an explanation. When I say that the social democrats have been in the pocket of the billionaires, I do so without malice towards them. The position of the social democrats in recent years has changed in that they have shifted from left to right. They have become, without realizing it, a beast of burden for the libertarians. Tony Blair represents the original incarnation of this policy and Gordon Brown, who wants to finish us Icelanders off, has followed suit. Tony Blair attracted support from the left but implemented a de facto right-wing policy. This man was the greatest idol of the Icelandic social democrats and their leaders.

* * *

This development is not a question of a sudden change of heart, rather its causes are rooted in historical events such as the fall of the Berlin wall and the ensuing reality which has been associated with postmodernism. Nothing is absolute, all things are relative and the concepts of left and right are redundant and so on. This position goes hand in hand with the decline of trade unionism, the waning powers of organizations and lack of solidarity. This is crystallized in the fact that social democrats do not represent a policy but rather they come up with something they call deliberative politics which has parallels in postmodernist relativism. During the last election I remarked to a social democrat how sad it was that his party had such little concern for the working class. The social democrat looked at me and said, "The working class! What working class? This is a handful of foreigners." One cannot expect much of a policy from an environment where this is the prevalent spirit. It is exactly this position that has given the advocates of capitalism and libertarianism a free run and complete leeway to do as they please. The chairman of the Social Democratic Party - Samfylkingin - has sung the praises of the billionaires and commiserated with them in their self-pity and resentment, and almost made it her policy that they be given the run of practically everything, not just commerce and business, but also the media. In this environment there has been no opposition of note to the war in Iraq or anything at all for that matter. The politicians have been allowed to put on airs on talk shows, almost like actors delivering their lines, and a large number of our youth is lost to the worship of gadgets and financial snobbery. Boobification has run rampant, the penny dreadful is the literature du jour, revered by the shallow-minded.

As a consequence we are not only dealing with a financial depression which is rattling the homes of this country and all the foundations of society, but a profound spiritual depression which makes it even more difficult to face the financial one, or to be more precise, the ruling class will get off scot-free and the people will be left in the clutches of the IMF, which, given its record, will demand even further privatization and that the welfare system be demolished even more thoroughly than is already the case.

* * *

We find ourselves in a fairy tale called The Emperor's New Clothes and the weavers have said, "If you do not see how clever we are, then you're just stupid, and not only stupid but jealous, which is really worse than being stupid, because stupid people can be sent on a course in our good schools. Hand the fishing waters over to us, hand over the banks to us, and the water, the waterfalls, the energy companies, and we'll gallivant around the globe with the President and say: "We are the greatest in the world, and if you do not see this, you're not only stupid, but also jealous." Perhaps Iceland is a testing ground for things to come, and if not, an exaggerated version of the condition, the depression, which has been made apparent by the fact that the financial companies have run up a debt to the tune of the gross national product times twelve. If I recall, the American housing system was first shaken last summer, and it's an old and new philosophy that when America sneezes, the rest of the world catches a cold, but the Icelandic economy isn't just suffering from a cold, but from a case of pneumonia which is attacking its entire infrastructure. At the same time, it becomes more and more apparent that the US housing system which collapsed, and the Icelandic bank system, which has now also collapsed, are more like a pair of doppelgängers from the world of literature than two distinct marvels, although these are surely amazing phenomena.

Still, it's too early to determine what the depression means and how it will play out. It is apparent that a vast number of people are left bankrupt and perplexed and that the party has drawn to a close. The ensuing hangover will be a long-term one, but if the system has hit rock-bottom, we can expect better days ahead. The avarice can be seen as an addiction, a constant form of abuse, where imaginary money is pumped into the economy and the addiction demands more and more of it, and there is no way back until everything crumbles.

As is, the IMF will probably be given the task of picking the juiciest bits from the welfare system, privatizing our natural resources and welfare system, thus fulfilling the purpose of libertarianism. But you never know whether the fat servant will come to, now that he has become a whipped slave, and then the words of the poem will squeal at reality.

You who live with an island in your heart
and the vastness of space
a sidewalk beneath your soles.

Hand me the Northern Lights!
I shall dance with the youngster
who is holding the stars.

We peel the skin from the darkness
and cut the head off misery.

Einar Már Guðmundsson is one of Iseland's best-known poets and novelists.

Cómo Superar La Crisis en Llural y Apostar por un Mundo Nuevo

Una visión desde el Sur y más específicamente desde América Latina

Aram Aharonian

Rebelión

Cuando 850 millones de personas en el mundo viven debajo de la línea de pobreza, cuando millares de niños mueren diariamente de hambre, cuando casi todos los días desaparecen culturas y modos de vida, cuando diariamente atentan contra el futuro del planeta, nadie puede pensar que lo que el mundo requiera hoy sea de nuevas regulaciones, que tienden apenas a salvar al sistema capitalista.

Se requiere de alternativas, es preciso un mundo nuevo -socialmente justo y ecológicamente sostenible-, hay que transformar el curso de este viejo orden económico, político, social, ambiental, generador de impactos ecológicos, climáticos y sociales que pagan las mayorías populares y amenazan la supervivencia en nuestro planeta. Las crisis sociales de esta debacle capitalista ya se siente en todo el mundo: desempleo, exclusión, vulnerabilidad de las clases medias.

La lógica de acumulación se impuso sobre las necesidades de los seres humanos. Hay una crisis de la civilización; riesgo incluso de la extinción del planeta y la desaparición de la especie humana.

Es preciso y urgente aclarar objetivos, vislumbrar la visión a largo plazo (la necesaria utopía, que luego deberá transformarse en práctica), y luego precisar propuestas a corto, medio y largo plazo. Para ello, hará falta afinar estrategias para lograr las correlaciones de fuerzas políticas, sociales y culturales que permitan avanzar en las alternativas, derrotando las lógicas y las propuestas de los causantes de la crisis.

Francois Houtart propone cuatro ejes para articular la visión de largo plazo: a) un uso renovable y racional de los recursos naturales, b) privilegiar el valor de uso sobre el valor de cambio, c) generalizar la democracia, también dentro del sistema económico, d) el principio de la multiculturalidad, que reúne a todos los saberes en la construcción de las alternativas necesarias.

Joseph Stiglitz, Nóbel economista estadounidense, señala que falló la gobernanza de las instituciones financieras internacionales como el banco Mundial, el Fondo Monetario Internacional, el Comité de Regulaciones Bancarias de Basilea: son inadecuadas y no representativas de las economías emergentes y menos aún de los países en desarrollo: “Hay que considerar una nueva estructura financiera internacional”, insiste.

La canciller alemana, Angela Merkel, instó a una nueva arquitectura financiera mundial: “Sin duda, tiene que haber una coordinación de la política económica global más allá del FMI, que ha fracasado, y del Banco Mundial. Ya es inconcebible decir que debemos tener fronteras abiertas sin una regulación global”. Algo similar sostiene el primer ministro británico, Gordon Brown, para quien el FMI y el BM no sirven para su propósito y necesitan cambiar drásticamente.

Brown, hablando en un seminario para establecer la agenda de la cumbre de abril de líderes del G-20 en Londres, dijo a los académicos reunidos que un “audaz paso hacia adelante” era necesario si habría que prevenir futuras crisis. “Estas instituciones fueron creadas para un mundo de flujos de capital local, no flujos de capital global. Las instituciones que hemos heredado no están equipadas para las funciones que tenemos que abordar en el futuro”, agregó.

Para Amartya Sen, Premio Nobel de Economía 1998, economista y filósofo, cada vez está más claro que la estabilidad financiera es un bien común y que, por tanto, es necesario hacer un esfuerzo coordinado para conseguirla. Sen señaló que se trata de una crisis moral en el sentido de que la gente ha utilizado la codicia de manera imprudente, haciéndose daño a sí misma y a los demás. “Muchas instituciones han caído, mucha gente está en la ruina. Se trata de una crisis de prudencia, además de una crisis moral. También es una crisis de control social, ya que podía haberse evitado si hubieran existido controles”, indicó.

La nueva relación con la naturaleza –que propone Houtart- significa la recuperación por parte de los Estados de la soberanía sobre sus recursos naturales, el cese de monocultivos y la revalorización de la agricultura campesina.

La multiculturalidad se expresa en la abolición de las patentes sobre el conocimiento, la liberación de la ciencia del dominio del poder económico, la supresión de los monopolios de la información, el establecimiento de la absoluta libertad religiosa.

Privilegiar el valor de uso significa la no mercantilización de las semillas, el agua, la salud, la educación, los servicios públicos, la supresión del secreto bancario, la anulación de las odiosas e ilegítimas deudas externas, el establecimiento de acuerdos regionales basados en la complementariedad y la solidaridad, así como la creación de monedas regionales. Sin duda, la crisis capitalista es una oportunidad privilegiada para poner en práctica estas medidas.

Democratizar las sociedades va más allá de la aplicación de la democracia participativa y la cogestión local en los temas económicos; va hasta la reforma misma de las Naciones Unidas, significa la reivindicación de los derechos humanos en todas sus dimensiones, individuales y colectivas.

El único actor histórico, portador de proyectos alternativos, dice Houtart, es plural: trabajadores, campesinos (con y sin tierra) indígenas, mujeres, pobres, ecologistas, migrantes, incluso los intelectuales que interactúan con los movimientos sociales.

Estamos confiados que los Estados latinoamericanos que han creado condiciones para que las alternativas nazcan y florezcan, sigan regando la convergencia y abonando las luchas de los movimientos sociales. Lo cierto es que ya es demasiado tarde para tomar medidas preventivas de la actual crisis, pero aún es tiempo de juntarse para contener los daños y fracturas y diseñar una nueva arquitectura financiera, basada en la consolidación de bloques regionales capaces de sustentar un nuevo mundo multipolar. Las crisis debe abordarse de forma que refleje las realidades de los desequilibrios actuales globales, haciendo frente a las asimetrías de forma equitativa y justa.

A menos que se haga así, se corre el riesgo del aumento de la pobreza, con retrocesos importantes en los esfuerzos por cumplir con las llamadas Metas del Milenio. El incremento del desempleo hará que los países se enfrenten con mayores necesidades sociales, pero la disminución de los presupuestos públicos les proporcionará menos recursos para satisfacer las demandas y necesidades. Los recortes en el gasto social amenazan con tener efectos a largo plazo sobre la educación y la salud, con consecuencias para toda la vida sobre todo en la niñez y juventud afectadas.

El Foro Social Mundial de Belém do Pará, dejó algunas certezas: el mercado quebró, y basta ya de obedecer a los que fracasaron. No salvemos a los bancos, salvemos a la gente. Lo económico y lo ambiental van de la mano. Soberanía latinoamericana sobre los recursos latinoamericanos. Una moneda común. Un cambio ético. Lo colectivo por sobre lo individual. Tolerancia cero al analfabetismo. Alerta roja ante los nuevos disfraces del capital transnacional, especialmente los vinculados con los monocultivos y las semillas transgénicas. Socialismo del siglo XXI. Políticas de Estado regionales. Cooperación en áreas estratégicas. Formación de cuadros políticos y sociales como reaseguro de un proyecto democrático y popular de largo alcance.

El francés Francois Sábado, quien destacó que la turbulencia actual posee dimensiones económicas, sociales, políticas, energéticas, climáticas y alimentarias. “Una crisis de civilización”, que revela una profunda derrota de las políticas neoliberales, resumió. Para Sábado, si la izquierda y las fuerzas populares no logran encontrar un programa mínimo común para actuar, se corre el riesgo de que la disputa por la superación de la crisis quede entre los neoliberales y aquellos que desean reformar el capitalismo.

Los movimientos sociales exigen la nacionalización del sistema financiero y el control de los flujos de capital, como iniciativas de corto plazo, tópicos complementarios entre sí. Stiglitz mismo habla de nacionalización de la banca: “Los bancos están en muy mala situación. El gobierno de EE.UU. ha vertido cientos de miles de millones de dólares con muy pocos resultados. Los ciudadanos norteamericanos se han convertido en propietarios mayoritarios de un gran número de bancos importantes. Pero no tienen el control. Cualquier sistema que tenga una separación de la propiedad y el control es una receta para el desastre. La única respuesta es la nacionalización. Esos bancos ciertamente están en bancarrota”.

Muchas naciones emergentes tienen un sistema bancario central mucho mejor que el de Estados Unidos, porque comprendieron los riesgos de exceso de influencia, la excesiva dependencia en los préstamos de bienes raíces, y realizaron acciones mucho más prudentes. Muchos países en desarrollo también acumularon grandes reservas y están en mejor situación para enfrentar esta crisis que hace una década. Pero –también- algunos se enfrentarán a tiempos muy difíciles, con suspensión de pagos. Sin duda, muchos de estos países están sufriendo por haber prestado demasiada atención a lo que ha estado sucediendo en Estados Unidos.

El Sur necesita diseñar, definir, una agenda común, que enfrente las lógicas dominantes en las respuestas y medidas de los gobiernos del Norte frente a la crisis, atacando los problemas más urgentes de las mayorías, fijando metas cuantificadas y diseñando los instrumentos para alcanzarlas. Sí, es movilizarse contra los “rescates financieros para incompetentes”, como los denomina Paul Krugman, y proponer en su lugar que las Naciones Unidas acuerden habilitar Fondos Urgentes para hacer frente a la crisis alimentaria en este 2009, tal y como lo reclama la FAO.

Es necesario definir acciones urgentes frente a los paraísos fiscales, por donde pasa hoy casi la mitad del comercio mundial, y a donde las grandes empresas trasnacionales desvían sus beneficios para evadir el pago de impuestos. No cabe duda que todas las transacciones económicas deben someterse a la regulación y tasación de los Estados. Estos centros offshore facilitan la corrupción, el lavado de dinero y la evasión fiscal, socavando, a su vez, la gobernanza democrática.

Significa, en definitiva, definir los principios sobre los que debe basarse un Nuevo Orden Económico y Social, con la paralela articulación de propuestas urgentes llenas de sentido común y con amplio respaldo social para que sean adoptadas por la gran mayoría de los Estados presentes en la Asamblea General de la ONU. Es hora que el llamado bloque BRIC –Brasil, Rusia, India, China- se coloque decididamente del lado de la construcción de este Nuevo Orden y no se alíe a las propuestas de los poderosos del G-20.

Es necesario abordar, también, el sistema mundial de reservas, ya que el actual, en base al dólar, se está desmoronando, y el sistema euro-dólar-yen que podría reemplazarlo, podría ser aún más inestable. Sin duda se debe crear un nuevo sistema mundial de reservas, o, mejor aún, sistemas regionales que coadyuven al desarrollo de sus países y sirvan para proyectos de integración y conservación ambiental y de sus recursos naturales.

Es hora de superar los diagnósticos y sin olvidar la utopía, unirse para ir avanzando hacia ese mundo nuevo, necesario, imprescindible que reclaman las grandes mayorías.

- Aram Aharonian es Director del Observatorio Latinoamericano en Comunicación y Democracia. Director de Question, fundador de Telesur

Going Up Against Big Coal in West Virginia

On Cherry Pond

By MIKE ROSELLE

CounterPunch

The first time I was on Cherry Pond it was ramp season, and I joined Judy, Bo, Larry and Ed for the much anticipated spring ritual, in which the tasty wild onions are harvested and cooked in butter with potatoes. It was a steep hike through rugged country, and from the ridge you could see Coal River Mountain, the highest peak around, all the way up to Kayford Mountain, which is no more. Kayford Mountain is now a huge pit, where bulldozers, trucks and dynamite can be heard for miles around.

Larry Gibson, one of the most vocal opponents of mountain top removal coal mining, used to look up at Kayford Mountain and thank god that he was lucky enough to live in West Virginia. Now, on must be careful when looking the top of a high wall; a man-made cliff that is perfectly vertical.

Larry lives on the top of the cliff and Kayford Mountain is two hundred feet below Larry’s House. His property line is at Kayford Mountain by default. Larry refused to sell out to the coal companies and has been fighting mountain top removal for the last twenty years of his life. Thousands of people have come to Larry’s to see how coal is really mined, and few are prepared for the site they will see when they peer over that high wall.

If you drive a few miles north of my house on Highway 3, you can look up Clay’s Branch, the creek that leads to Cherry Pond. It is famous among turkey hunters, mushroom hunters, ginseng pickers and bird watchers. The people who live along Clay’s Branch are used to people driving by their houses, some of which sit so close to the road that they could hand you a beer as you drove by without getting off their porches. This is because the holler is steep, and what little land is flat enough to put a house on is usually right near the road by the creek. You can still see Clay’s Branch today if you drive by, but you won’t see Cherry Pond Mountain.

Cherry Pond is gone.

Last Thursday the US Fourth Circuit Court ruled that Massey Energy and every other mine owner in West Virginia does not have to obey any environmental laws when they dig for coal. That’s right, any of the laws, like the Clean Water Act, the Clean Air Act or the Endangered Species Act. The coal companies are getting away with murder and the court turned the fate of the Appalachian Mountains, the oldest on Earth, to the Army Corps of Engineers and the wholly coal owned West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection, an agency that has never denied a mining permit and dose not regulate the permits when they sign off on them.

On a Friday a couple of weeks ago, Massey Energy blew the top off of Cherry Pond Mountain.

Like a Navel gun salute Massey signaled there approval of the coal owned Federal Court’s decision by drilling a few hundred holes, inserting nitrates and filling them with diesel fuel, and setting off the loudest explosion that anyone has around herd around here before. A large boulder was sent air borne, flew off of the ridge and continued to roll, Johnny Cake-like, sticking to the road, even making the tight curves, and stopped a few hundred feet from Kenny’s place, which is the last house on the road. Dust from the blast, silica mixed with chemicals and fuel oil, blanketed his vegetable garden. One window in his house was shattered by the force of the explosion.

On Saturday, James “Guin” McGuinn took me to Clay’s Branch so we observe for ourselves what had happened. You could see the wreckage of the mountain even before you got off of Highway 3. High above Clay’s branch, the ridge top is being lowered, and the mountain is disappearing. How much of this is enough?

On Monday Guinn and I got two lengths of chain and two locks, painted a banner and marched up the mountain. They knew we were coming because we had posted a press release on the Climate Ground Zero website before leaving the house. We were accompanied by two photographers, who followed us into the mine area. We climbed onto the site and were immediately spotted by the Massey Security guards who spoke to us over their bullhorn. We walked straight towards the drilling rig that was preparing for another blast. Directly to our right a truck was hauling the stones that had for millions of years had been lodged at the top of the mountain. We turned and approached it. The big truck continued forward as we walked up the step road and we essentially had it bottled up, unable to proceed any further without running us over. It stopped. It backed up. The two excavators were now idle, unable to load another truck. About thirty minutes went by and we observed that to our left several trucks holding the explosives went down the mountain and the drilling was halted.

An hour went by and the Massey security trucks still waited about a hundred yards away. Above us the truck once again approached our position. We stood our ground and raised our hands. Stop. He once again continued forward, perhaps thinking we would step aside and he would run over our banner, which we had spread across the road. It read: “Wind Mills Not Toxic Spills”. The truck came closer.

Then it stopped.

After a few more minutes passed, a West Virginia State Trooper, Sgt. Michael Smith appeared on the scene. We had met before, last week, when seven of us, including Guin, had chained ourselves to the excavators not far from here. We had time to talk as he had driven us, without handcuffs, to the State Police station that sits at the end of Marsh Fork, and at the entrance to the mine. He knew why we were here.

“When I got the call, I knew it was you guys. I read your press release on the Climate Ground Zero website. Do you ever do these when it’s not cold and snowing?” he said. “Get in the truck”. We rode down the mountain again with Sgt. Smith. He told us about his new granddaughter. “I understand what you’re doing. You know you’re up against big money.” It wasn’t a question.

There was no blasting on Cherry Mountain that day. There was on Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. Today is Sunday and they don’t work. If nothing is done, they will blast on Monday. Isn’t it time to stop this insanity? If two burned out old hippies can stop the blasting on one mountain for one day, what would happen if thousands of people did the same? That wasn’t really a question either because I already know the answer. They could stop it.

For more information visit Coal River Mountain Watch


Mike Roselle lives in Rock Creek, West Virginia. He can be reached at: mikeroselle@hotmail.com

Una comunicación desde mujeres en movimiento

Idania Trujillo

Minga Informativa de Movimientos Sociales

Al quebrar la tradición que afirmaba, desde sus mitos fundacionales, el papel secundario, doméstico de criaturas que lindaban la irracionalidad, las mujeres conjuraron una rebelión gestada, muchas veces, desde la clandestinidad o desde lugares invisibles. Pero su presencia en el espacio público local e internacional ha dejado de ser de excepción para irrumpir con fuerza en todos los ámbitos. También en los movimientos sociales, donde por fuerza de su persistencia y tenacidad y, poco a poco, han ido construyendo espacios para repensar el mundo y articular propuestas y acciones.

Uno de esos espacios es la Minga Informativa de Movimientos Sociales, una iniciativa de convergencia en comunicación entre movimientos sociales de América Latina y el Caribe que surgió en el marco de las convergencias en resistencia al modelo económico y social excluyente y que, desde el pasado año, comenzó un programa de capacitación en comunicación y género para mujeres comunicadoras y líderes de organizaciones sociales de América Latina.

Partiendo de la necesidad de afianzar estrategias de comunicación desde y con las mujeres, se organizaron varios talleres presenciales en 2008 cuya finalidad fue la de impulsar una mayor difusión de la participación y propuestas de las mujeres en las actividades de la agenda de los movimientos.

Con el propósito de evaluar el proceso de capacitación iniciado, mujeres comunicadoras representantes de varias organizaciones y redes, se reunieron en Quito, Ecuador, para discutir y proyectar el seguimiento de la Agenda en Comunicación y género, presentada el pasado octubre durante el Foro Social de las Américas, celebrado en Ciudad Guatemala y los modos de vincularlo a la iniciativa de medios populares en los procesos de integración del ALBA que está elaborándose en el marco de los Movimientos sociales y el ALBA. Dos ámbitos fundamentales resultaron temas de análisis: de un lado, una agenda común en información y, de otro, la formación. Ambos desde la visión y luchas de las mujeres.

En cuanto a la información, continúa siendo prioritaria la necesidad de afianzar estrategias de comunicación que permitan a las mujeres (comunicadoras y lideresas) entender la comunicación como proceso, a la vez que puedan impulsar una mayor difusión de su participación y propuestas, así como de potenciar creativamente medios y herramientas comunicativas hechos desde sus visiones. Es esencial, por tanto, asumir el derecho a la comunicación con y desde la perspectiva de género.

Las discusiones se concentraron en repensar colectivamente el proceso de formación en comunicación y género para movimientos sociales, partiendo de entender que el movimiento de mujeres es diverso y complejo en sus propuestas y niveles de actuación. De ahí la necesidad de continuar construyendo un discurso que, poco a poco, las vaya articulando y visibilizando.

En ese sentido, se coincidió en lo necesario que resulta fortalecer las capacidades y destrezas de las mujeres que hacen comunicación desde los movimientos, definiendo como prioridad formar formadoras/es, con un sentido multiplicador. Se trabajó colectivamente varios tópicos: se construyó de manera conjunta criterios, mecanismos y herramientas que faciliten a las mujeres realizar su trabajo cotidiano como comunicadoras sin perder de vista el sentido estratégico y político de la comunicación para las organizaciones que integran los movimientos sociales.

Asumir, cada vez más conscientemente, los procesos de información, comunicación y formación desde una visión política tratados a partir de herramientas de las ciencias sociales en general y de la comunicación en particular, sigue siendo un desafío sobre todo porque se trata de ir incorporando, también, el enfoque de género a las discusiones teóricas y a las prácticas concretas de cada organización y red.

Este es solo el comienzo de un esfuerzo hermosamente construido y que, como todo lo que comienza, es susceptible de ser modificado porque parte de la riqueza diversa y compleja de las experiencias que aportan las mujeres comunicadoras en movimiento.

A New Orleans Intifada?

A Grassroots Movement Rises in the Arab Neighborhoods of New Orleans

By JORDAN FLAHERTY

CounterPunch

In neighborhoods around New Orleans, there’s a buzz of excitement gathering among this city’s Arab population. A new wave of organizing has brought energy and inspiration to a community that is usually content to stay in the background. The movement is youth-led, with student groups rising up on college campuses across the city, but also broad-based, with mass protests that have included more than a thousand people marching through downtown’s French Quarter. Activists say that their goal is to fight against what they see as a combination of silence and bias from local and national media, and – more broadly – for a change in US policy towards the Middle East. They take inspiration from other movements in the city – joining in the struggle against the continued displacement of much of the city as well as the slow pace of recovery – while also following activism across the US and around the world.

New Orleans’ immigrant communities are often ignored or under-represented. But through grassroots organizing, legal action, and political lobbying, Asian and Latino organizations in the city have won some important victories. Activists from New Orleans’ Arab population – which is largely Palestinian - have expressed hope that they can follow these examples.

The city’s Vietnamese community gained influence through post-Katrina struggles to bring their New Orleans East neighborhood back in the first months after the storm. This effort, which also involved a fight against a city landfill located near their homes, turned grassroots protests into political power, including the recent election of the nation’s first Vietnamese-American congressman.

The city’s Latino community has grown and changed as thousands of recent immigrants came looking for work in rebuilding after the storm. Despite continuing problems, including police harassment of undocumented immigrants, grassroots efforts have helped translate those numbers into political influence and leverage over employers who had sought to exploit them. While employers and politicians have sought to pit the city’s Latino and Black workers against each other, organizers have built alliances between these communities.

These victories, together with a sense that there is a need for their community to be heard, have provoked Arab New Orleanians into action. According to Angelina Abbir Mansour, a student activist at UNO, outrage caused by the devastation in Gaza was a catalyst. “When the Gaza massacre happened, the first thought that came to everyone’s head was ‘we can’t be quiet anymore,’” she explained. Young activists have also been inspired by successes in other cities, such as a recent successful campaign to get Hampshire College to divest from companies that supply the Israeli military as well as sit-ins and building occupations on other campuses in the US and Europe.

Mass Protests

At Jackson Square, in the center of New Orleans’ French Quarter, more than a thousand people gathered on January 4 for one of the largest demonstrations this city has seen in recent years. Tracie Washington, a civil rights leader in the city and the director of Louisiana Justice Institute, attended with her son. Addressing the crowd on a megaphone, she said, “my son asked me today about what is happening in Gaza. He asked, ‘is it like if I pinched you and you punched me?’ I said to him, ‘no, its like if you pinched me and I shot you with an AK-47.’”

The cheers of the crowd were audible from several blocks away. Palestinian youth led raucous chants of “No Justice, No Peace,” and “Gaza Gaza don’t you cry, in our hearts you’ll never die.” Children held up signs saying, “This is what an Israeli target looks like.”

The Louisiana Justice Institute was one of several New Orleans social justice and civil rights organizations that Palestinian organizers have built ties with – others included INCITE New Orleans, The Women’s Health and Justice Initiative, Pax Christi, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, and Mayday Nola, an organization that works on public housing issues. “I’ve seen a huge amount of support from the African American community,” says Mansour, who is co-founder of a chapter of the General Union of Palestinian Students on the campus of the University of New Orleans. “Because they know more than anyone what its like to face racism. Alliances between our communities make sense.”

The January 4th march was the second of four mass demonstrations for Gaza during the Israeli bombing. The first demonstration, brought together in less than 24 hours, brought out more than 300 people. Palestinian youth from New Orleans organized and led the march, and entire families participated.

The size of the demonstrations surprised even the organizers. “New Orleans is a small town,” says activist and business owner Emad Jabbar. “For 1,200 people to come out with just a few days notice – I’m speechless.” Every local TV station covered the demonstrations. However the Times Picayune, New Orleans’ local paper, refused to send a reporter. In response, activists organized a demonstration the following week, bringing almost 100 people to protest outside the paper’s offices.

Beginnings
Organizing in New Orleans’ Arab community is not new – it goes back to at least the late 80s, during the first Intifada, a time of increased activity in the Palestinian Diaspora around the world. Since then, activism has surged and receded in waves, with support and trainings from national organizations such as the Muslim American Society and US Campaign to End The Israeli Occupation playing an important role.

The two years before Katrina saw mass action, as well as coalition building and education, among local Palestinians and their allies, and in some aspects today’s movement is built from work that happened then. From 2003 through 2005, activists presented a breathtaking array of events; from films, demonstrations and speakers; to art shows, a Palestinian hip-hop concert, presentations in high school and college classrooms, and a regional conference. They met with newspaper editorial boards, appeared on radio shows, set up literature tables at busy public locations, and spoke at churches.

A coalition of activists also organized human rights delegations to the Middle East, sending nine delegates from diverse backgrounds and communities to Palestinian cities on the West Bank in the summer of 2004. They self-published a book and a released a newsletter, made and distributed a film (chronicling one member’s journey to Palestine), and worked on several art projects, including a hip-hop show, a photography exhibition, and collaborations with the New Orleans International Human Rights Film Festival.

A multiracial and multi-generational coalition of Palestine activists met on the campus of Xavier University, a historically Black college, and its core group included Muslims, Christians, Jews, and secular activists. The group collaborated closely with many different aspects of the Arab and Muslim community in the city – meetings were attended by representatives of New Orleans’ Muslim Shura Council, the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee of New Orleans, New Orleans’ Palestine American Congress, and Stop The Wall - a local group made up of more than 200 New Orleanians with family in the Palestinian village of Beit Anan.

Another core member of the group was a white Episcopal minister who had traveled to Bethlehem and Jerusalem, and several members were Palestinian Christians. Nation Of Islam members were a part of the group, as well as several Jewish activists, including a woman who had gone on a pro-Israel delegation organized by New Orleans’ Jewish Federation – and came home disturbed by the Palestinian suffering she’d seen, causing her to break with the Federation and become an activist for Palestinian rights.

A Small Community

According to the US census, New Orleans’ pre-Katrina population was 67 percent African American and 27 percent white, with all other categories adding up to about 6%. Maher Salem, a young community leader and business owner, adds that, “The Palestinian community is a small minority in New Orleans. The city is mostly African American and white, then you have Latinos, then Vietnamese, and Palestinians are the smallest group. We’re at the bottom of the list.”

As with many immigrant communities, New Orleans’ Palestinian community is both spread out and insular. Families are located in various suburbs on New Orleans’ Westbank (on the other side of the Mississippi river), but there isn’t a particular neighborhood where most live. The community is rarely discussed in national coverage of New Orleans, or even in the local media. “Growing up, I didn’t know there was a Palestinian community here,” Mansour says. “I guess because we’re a small population and were not making headlines.”

Many of New Orleans’ Palestinians are from a handful of small towns and villages near Ramallah and Jerusalem, such as Silwad, Al-Bireh, Al-Mizra’a, and Beit Anan. They are often small business owners, owning restaurants, convenience stores, and clothing stores. In the aftermath of Katrina, much of the city’s Arab community was displaced, losing both their stores and homes. “A lot of us lost businesses,” says Salem, “and many from our community moved to other cities.” Although they no longer live here, many of those that are displaced still feel connected to the city. “I know guys that are in Dallas now,” Salem says. “But every time we have a protest or something else happening they call and ask what happened. They miss living here.”

For those that have returned, rebuilding has been a struggle – as it has been for other New Orleanians in this city where a third of all properties are still empty. Sandra Bahhur is a Palestinian-American woman originally from Al-Bireh. A nurse and restaurant owner, she has been a strong voice for social justice in New Orleans. Sandra's home in the Lakeview neighborhood of New Orleans was so destroyed by flooding that she couldn't get the doors to open. Her business on Carrollton Avenue was destroyed, just days before it would have been ready to debut. They had been working all day on the restaurant the day before the hurricane, as they did many days. “We had just bought a new oven, new refrigerators, new kitchen equipment,” she told me days after the storm. “Everything's destroyed. Our home is destroyed, the business is destroyed. We lost everything. Everything.”

Like many New Orleanians, Sandra and her husband Luis love New Orleans, and refused to give up. After two more years of work, their restaurant reopened in late 2007 to positive press coverage and full houses. However, Sandra and Luis were never able to fully recover from the debt they went into to rebuild after the storm. With the recent economic downturn, the restaurant hit hard times, and closed permanently last month. Although they love the city, Sandra and Luis’ future in New Orleans is uncertain.

Changing The Media
Although disappointed with local media coverage, activists have created powerful video and images documenting their own movement, and spread the word through social networking sites, email, texting, and word of mouth. 2-Cent Entertainment - a group of young African-American video activists who are responsible for some of the most exciting media organizing happening in New Orleans today - made a pair of powerful videos documenting the activist uprising, which have been widely distributed online.

The young activists that organized the actions are determined to make their mark in the city, through changing the media landscape and shifting public opinion. “We’re a part of this city,” says Emad Jabbar. “We identify with it. If you ask most New Orleans Palestinians where they’re from they’ll say New Orleans - especially the young ones.” It was this spirit that led dozens of Palestinians to join with African American community leaders in last month’s annual Martin Luther King march. Community leader Maher Salem explains, “My cause, my goal is about the Palestinian people, Gaza, and freedom for everyone. However you describe me – businessman, father, community leader - what I am is someone who stands for justice.”

As they move forward, Palestinian activists in New Orleans are excited at the possibilities. “People call me, come to me in the street and in the Mosque, and ask me what are you up to, what’s next,” says Jabbar. “Our organizing in New Orleans is moving forward. People in the community are passionate, and have a lot of energy. We just need to keep stepping up.”

Jordan Flaherty is a journalist based in New Orleans, and an editor of Left Turn Magazine. He can be reached at neworleans@leftturn.org

Resources

New Orleans Palestine Solidarity

Updates from New Orleans Palestine Solidarity

2 Cent Entertainment

New Orleans Workers’ Center for Racial Justice

Muslim American Society

Left Turn Magazine

El gobierno de Calderón Toma Partido Por la Empresa Minera

18 meses de huelga en las minas de México

Matteo Dean

Diagonal

Este periodista de La Jornada explica para DIAGONAL el conflicto minero del norte de México, determinado por las condiciones de explotación y peligrosidad.


El 30 de enero los mineros del Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Similares de la República mexicana alcanzaron los 18 meses de huelga en las tres minas de Taxco, Sombrerete y Cananea, en contra de la empresa transnacional mexicana Grupo México. Aún no se vislumbra en el horizonte una solución al conflicto. Comenzadas por causas meramente laborales, las huelgas se han convertido en asunto político a raíz de que el Gobierno federal mexicano se ha visto involucrado y ha tomado partido en favor de la empresa de Germán Larrea Mota Velasco, el todo poderoso empresario del norte del país que, aprovechando la pauta privatizadora emprendida hace más de 20 años, se hizo con la mayoría de las riquezas del subsuelo mexicano.

Las malas condiciones laborales, el deterioro de las cuestiones relativas a la seguridad e higiene, y la maquinaria obsoleta en riesgo del colapso, además de la negativa por parte de la empresa frente a la petición de revisión salarial, son algunas de las causas de esta huelga que se perfila como una de las más largas de la historia sindical mexicana. Los mineros denuncian que las condiciones laborales son efectivamente precarias: turnos de ocho horas a cambio de pocos pesos. En la categoría más elevada de las 20 que contempla el contrato colectivo firmado por las dos partes, un minero en México gana menos de diez euros diarios, es decir 146 pesos. Una cifra que rebasa efectivamente el salario mínimo establecido por ley (45 pesos diarios) pero que, sin embargo, se queda muy por debajo del salario mínimo real en el país. El sindicato, además, denuncia precarias condiciones de trabajo, señalando faltas en los sistemas de seguridad, maquinaria al límite del colapso, etc. La trágica prueba de ello ocurrió la madrugada del 19 de febrero de 2006, cuando una explosión dejó atrapados y segó la vida de 65 trabajadores en una mina de propiedad del Grupo México, ubicada en Pasta de Conchos, Coahuila. Hasta la fecha los cuerpos no han sido recuperados y nadie ha sido juzgado.

Sin embargo, el peor caso lo representan los trabajadores contratistas que la empresa ha comenzado a involucrar en sus actividades a raíz de su política de “reducción de costos”. Los sindicalizados explican que desde que existen contratistas en las instalaciones de la empresa, estos por contrato no pueden “realizar trabajos especiales”, es decir, los que comúnmente se definiría como peligrosos. Según testimonios recogidos, los contratistas son no obstante los encargados de realizar esas actividades: apertura de nuevos túneles, utilización de explosivos, etc. Todas, actividades que los contratistas llevan a cabo en turnos por lo regular de 12 horas, y en algunos casos de hasta 14 horas, por un sueldo base de menos de 50 pesos diarios. Por si esto fuera poco, los contratistas no gozan de ningún tipo de seguridad social y no tienen siquiera los instrumentos legales y burocráticos para exigir reformas: “si te quejas, te vas a tu casa”, explican. La existencia de un sindicato, impide actualmente a la empresa la contratación de un número excesivo de trabajadores contratistas, sin embargo ésa es claramente la tendencia, ya que permite a la empresa no solamente contratar y despedir según los esquemas modernos de la producciónjust in time, sino, en lo específico, le permite eludir cualquier otra responsabilidad fijada en la actual legislación laboral mexicana: no hay reparto de utilidades, no hay aguinaldo, no hay generación de antigüedad (gracias a los contratos temporales que se utilizan para los contratistas). No se ve solución a corto plazo al conflicto minero en México. La empresa, dicen los mineros, junto al Gobierno quiere acabar con su sindicato: “No les importan nuestras condiciones”, denuncian. Cuentan que a los diez días de comenzada la huelga, en la mina de Taxco hubo un derrumbe. “De estar nosotros trabajando hubiera habido unos 80 muertos”, señalan. Sin embargo, a la empresa no le importa, pues “lo veníamos denunciando desde hace muchos meses antes de empezar la protesta”, dicen los mineros, “y la empresa nos contestaba que prefería pagar la multa en lugar de parar la producción”.

Enclace Diagonal

Armas

Armas